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OF  THE 
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THE 


PAPERS  AND  BIOGRAPHY 


LION  GARDINER 


1599=1663, 


WITH   AN   APPENDIX. 


Our  ancestors,  though  not  perfect  and   infallible  in  all  respects,  were  a  religious,  brave  and  virtuous  set  of  men, 
whose  love  of  liberty,  civil  oimI  religious,  brought  them  from  their  native  land  into  the  American  Deserts. 

—Jonathan  Maviiew,  Election  Sermon,  1754. 


Edited,  with  Notes  Critical  and  Illustrative, 


CURTISS  V.  GAHIHNEK. 


ST.  LOUIS: 

PRINTED  FOR  THE  EDITOR. 

MDCCCLXXXIJI. 


P8S88  OP 

[l.VISUX  &   BLITHE   STATIONERY   CO., 
ST.    LO'JIS. 


THIS  WOBK 
IS   IKSCRIBED   TO   THE  .MEMORY  OF 

LION  GAED1NEB; 

But  for  whose  life  my  life  had  never  known 

This  faded  vesture  which  it  calls  its  own.— Holmes. 

The  Editor. 


K8175C5 


ANNOUNCEMENT. 


I  purpose  to  publish  a  volume,  to  be  called  the  "  Papers  and  Biography  of 
Lion  Gardiner."  It  will  contain  copies  of  his  manuscripts,  being  reprints  of 
manuscripts  and  autograph  letters ;  gleanings  from  colonial  histories  and  extracts 
from  public  and  private  records  relating  to  events  in  which  he  bore  a  part.  Also 
traditionary  reminiscences  and  some  account  of  his  family  name  and  arms.  The 
whole  to  conclude  with  a  biographical  sketch  and  notes  of  reference. 

I  shall  be  able  to  show,  from  authentic  sources,  his  nativity,  early  life  and 
occupation;  his  departure  from  abroad  and  arrival  in  this  country;  his  career  in 
colonial  times ;  his  purchase  and  occupation  of  an  island  which  bears  his  name ; 
being  the  progenitor  of  a  respectable  family  in  America. 

CURTISS  C.  GARDINER. 
St.  Louis,  Missouri,  July  14th,  1883. 


CONTENTS. 


FilONTtSPIKOB. 

Dedication. 

Announcement. 

Contents. 

PAPERS. 

Chapter  I. — Writing  iu  a  Genevan  Bible. 
Chapter  II. — Relation  of  the  Pequot  Wars. 
Chapter  III.— Letters  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr. 

BIOGRAPHY. 

Chapter  I. — Family  Name. 
Chapter  II.—  Family  Arms. 
Chapter  III.— Biographical  Sketch. 

Editorial  Eootism— Acknowledgments  and  Comments. 

APPENDIX. 

INDEX. 


PAPERS. 


Behind  the  documents  there  was  a  man. — Tatne. 


PAPERS. 


CHAPTER  I. 
WRITING   IN  A   GENEVAN  BIBLE. 

The  writing  on  the  fly-leaf  of  the  Genevan  Bible— printed  at 
London,  1599 — which  is  in  the  possession  of  the  family  at  Gardiner's 
Island,  has  been  pointed  to  for  many  generations  as  the  hand- 
writing of  Lion  Gardiner;  and  until  the  discovery  of  his  undoubted 
autograph  letters  it  was  not  questioned. 

This  Genevan  Bible  was  in  the  possession  of  the  Conkling 
family  of  East  Hampton,  L.  I.,  as  late  as  the  sixth  generation  from 
Lion  Gardiner,  when  Elisha  Conkling,  a  great-grandson  of  Lion 
Gardiner's  daughter  Mary,  who  married  a  Conkling,  presented  it 
to  John  Lyon  Gardiner,  (1)  seventh  proprietor  of  Gardiner's  Island, 
since  which  time  it  has  been  counted  among  the  valued  relics  of  the 
family  at  the  island. 

The  tradition  is,  that  this  bible  was  once  the  property  of  Lion 
(Gardiner;  yet  it  does  not  contain  his  name,  nor  any  other  name 
indicating  ownership.  The  better  opinion,  as  to  the  writing  in  this 
bible,  seems  to  be  that  it  is  a  copy  of  an  original  writing  made  by 
Lion  Gardiner. 

(1)  John  Lyon  Gardiner  m  born  at  Gardiner's  Island.  November  8th,  1770.  He  was  graduated  at  the 
College  of  New  Jersey  In  the  class  of  1789.  His  father  died  while  he  was  in  his  Infancy,  and  the  ts'anil  was 
placed  in  the  care  or  three  trustees  until  lie  obtained  his  majority,  when  lie  became  the  seventh  proprietor 
of  the  Island.    In  1798.  he  wrote  a  very  interesting  paper,  entitled   "  Notes  and  observations  on  the  Town  of 

East  Hampton,  L.  1,"  which  Included  Gardiner's  Island Vide  Documentary  History  or  N    Y,  Vol    1, 

p.  671,  et  seq.  On  March  4,  181)3,  be  married  Sarah  Griswold  of  Lyme,  Ct.  The  issue  of  this  marriage 
was  three  sons  and  two  daughters.  He  died  November 2id,  1816.  His  widow  survived  him  nearly  titty  years. 
During  the  middle  life  of  Mr.  John  Lyon  Gardiner  the  Key.  Lyuian  lieeeher  was  pastor  of  the  church  at  East 
Hampton,  L  I.,  from  1798  to  1809.  We  quote  from  Bcecher's  Autobiography— Vol.  1,  p.  96.  Heferring 
to  Gardiner's  Island  as  being  within  his  parish,  he  mentions  the  seventh  of  the  series  of  owners  as  "  a  man 
or  education  and  refinement,  and  celebrated  for  his  fondness  for  antiquarian  research.  His  society  would 
naturally  be  attractive  to  a  youthful  minister,  and  accordingly  the  island,  witli  its  large  and  hospitable 
mansion",  was  ever  one  of  Ids  favorite  visiting  places:  and  during  his  East  Hampton  ministry,  no  sermon  was 
ever  thought  readv  for  Hie  press  till  It  had  been  submitted  to  the  inspection  of  tils  friend.  Joint  Lyou 
Gardiner."— <J.  V    G. 


12  PAPERS    AND    BIOGRAPHY    OP 

COPY   OF   THE   WRITING   IN   A   GENEVAN    BIBLE. 

Iii  the  yeare  of  our  Lord  1635,  July  the  10th,  came  I,  Lion  Gardiner  and 
Mary  my  wife  from  Woreden,  a  towne  in  Holland,  where  my  wife  was  borne,  being 
the  daughter  of  one  Derike  Wilamson,  derocaat;  her  mother's  name  was  Hachim 
Bastians ;  her  aunt,  sister  of  her  mother,  was  the  wife  of  Wouter  Leanderson, 
Old  Burger  Measter,  dwelling  in  the  hofston  over  against  the  brossoen  in  the 
Unicorn's  Head ;  her  brother's  name  was  Punc  Gearstsen,  Old  Burger  Measter. 
We  came  from  Woerden  to  London,  and  from  thence  to  New  England,  and  dwelt 
at  Saybrook  forte  four  years,  of  which  I  was  commander ;  and  there  was  borne 
unto  me  a  son  named  David,  in  16S6,  April  the  29,  the  first  born  in  that  place, 
and  in  1638,  a  daughter  was  born  to  me  called  Mary,  August  the  30,  and  then 
I  went  to  an  island  of  mine  owne,  which  I  bought  of  the  Indians,  called  by  them 
Manchonoke,  by  us  the  Isle  of  Wife,  and  there  wus  born  another  daughter 
named  Elizabeth,  Sept.  the  14,  1641,  she  being  the  first  child  born  theire  of 
English  parents. 

The  writing  from  which  the  above  was  copied  is  very  irregular 

and  considerably  faded  and  defaced,  and  could  hardly  be  deciphered 

by  any  one  without  some  knowledge  of  the  subject. 

COPY   OF   ANCIENT   MANUSCRIPT. 

The  following  is  a  copy  of  ancient  manuscript,  which,  with  the 
memorandum  annexed  to  it,  was  copied  from  the  records  in  the 
Family  Bible  of  John  Lyon  Gardiner,  seventh  proprietor  of  Gardi- 
ner's Island :  (1) 

In  the  year  of  our  Lord,  1635,  the  tenth  of  July,  came  I,  Liou  Gardiner  and 
Mary  my  wife  from  Woerdon  a  towne  in  Holland  where  my  wife  was  born  being 
the  daughter  of  one  Derike  Wilemson  deurcant ;  her  mother's  name  was  Hachin 
and  her  aunt,  sister  of  her  mother,  was  the  wife  of  Wouter  Leonardson  old 
burger  meester  dwelling  in  the  hostrate  over  against  the  Brewer  in  Unicorn's 
head;  her  brother's  name  was  Punce  Garretson  also  an  old  burgher  meester.  We 
came  from  Woerdon  to  London  and  from  thence  to  New  England  and  dwelt  at 
Saybrooke  fort  four  years,  it  is  at  the  mouth  of  the  Connecticut  river,  of  which  I 
was  commander,  and  there  was  born  to  me  a  son  named  David,  1636,  the  29th  of 
April,  the  first  born  in  that  place,  and  1638,  a  daughter  was  born  named  Mary, 
the  30th  of  August,  and  then  I  went  to  an  island  of  my  owne  which  I  had  bought 
and  purchased  of  the  Indians,  called  by  them  Manchonake,  by  us  the  Isle  of 
Weight,  and  there  was  born  another  daughter  named  Elizabeth  the  14th  of  Sept., 
1641,  she  being  the  first  child  of  English  parents  that  was  born  there. 


Memorandum  by  John  Lyon  Gardiner,  August  30th,  1804.  »  *  » 
The  above  writing  is  a  literal  copy  of  ancient  manuscript  in  the  possession  of  Miss 
Lucretia  Gardiner,  (2)  daughter  of  David  Gardiner  of  New  London,  from  which  it 

(1)  This  family  bible  contains  the  births,  marriages  and  deaths  of  the  eldest  sons,  who  had  been  pro- 
prietors of  the  island  by  entailment;  bnt  there  is  no  information  of  the  younger  sons  and  daughters  (?)  The 
arrangement  of  all  of  the  recordsis  methodical  and  apparently  complete,  even  to  the  minutest  particulars.  On 
the  last  printed  page  is  the  following:  l'  This  book  was  purchased,  JulySth,  auno  domlni  181)3,  by  John  Lyon 
Gardiner—  s,  $."— C.  C.  (J. 

(2)  Miss  Lucretia  Gardiner  was  a  daughter  of  Dayld  Gardiner  who  was  a  son  of  David  Gardiuer.  fourth 
proprietor,  and  never  married.  What  became  of  the  ancient  manuscript  which  was  in  her  possession  has 
not  been  ascertained.  It  appears  there  was  another  Miss  Lucretia  Gardiner,  win*  never  married,  who  was 
a  daughter  of  John  Gardiner,  the  only  sou  of  Jonathan  Gardiner,  one  of  the  sons  of  John  Gardiner,  the 
third  proprietor.    The  two  Miss  Lueretias  were  second  cousins.— 0.  C.  G. 


LION   GARDINER.  13 

is  probable  the  writing  in  an  old  family  bible,  printed  at  London,  1599,  was  taken, 
as  they  are  nearly  similar,  which  bible  was  a  few  years  since — about  1794 — given 
to  John  L.  Gardiner  by  Mr.  Elisha  Coukling  of  Wernot,  being  great-grandson  of 
the  above-mentioned  Mary,  who  married  Jeremiah  Conkling  of  East  Hampton, 
L.  I.,  about  1658,  and  died  June  16,  1727,  aged  89. 

The  foregoing  memorandum  is  a  highly  important  paper.  The 
character  of  its  author  at  once  stamps  it  as  authentic.  First,  he 
states  when  and  from  whom  he  obtained  the  Genevan  Bible  at  Gardi- 
ner's Island;  second,  he  declares  his  "copy  of  ancient  manuscript" 
to  lie  ••literal";  and  adds,  parenthetically;  "which,  it  is  probable, 
the  writing  in  an  old  family  bible,"  meaning  the  Genevan  Bible, 
"  was  taken,  as  they  are  nearly  similar."  Accepting  this  statement 
as  true,  there  can  be  no  doubt  but  the  writing  in  the  Genevan  Bible 
is  a  copy,  and  not  an  original  record. 


14  PAPERS   AND   BIOGRAPHY   OF 


CHAPTER  II. 

HELATIOS  OF  THE  PEQUOT   WARS. 

The  following  "  Letter"  and  '•  Relation  of  the  Pcquot  Wa^s,"  by  Liou  Gardiner,  are  reprints  copied 
verbatim  et  literatim  from  the  Collections  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  published  ill  the  year  1S33. 
Vol,  III,  3rd  series,  131-100.  The  publishing  committee  state  that  "the  original  manuscript  ot  this  *  Relation." 
and  a  copy  in  the  handwriting  of  Gov.  Jonathan  Trumbull,  the  elder,"  were  delivered  to  them  for  publication 
'•by  William  T.  Williams, ' '  a  grandson  of  Gov.  Trumbull,  of  Lebanon,  Ct.  The  committee  further  state. 
"  on  account  of  the  difficulty  the  printer  would  find  in  deciphering  the  original,  have  followed  the  ortho- 
graphy of  the  copy,  excepting  in  the  proper  names,  where  they  thought  it  of  more  importance  to  adhere  to 
the  ancient  orthography."  The  existence  of  this  manuscript  was  known  to  historical  writers  many  years 
before  it  was  published.  It  is  said  to  have  formerly  belonged  to  the  Wihthrop  family  of  New  London. 
B,  Triimbuirs  His  of  Conn.,  2  vols.,  New  Haven,  1797  and  1818,  refers  to  "Manuscripts  of  Gardiner." 
Vol.  1,  61:  but  whether  the  manuscript  lias  been  preserved,  to  the  present  time,  cannot  tie  ascertained. 
Xeitlier  of  the  historical  societies  ot  New  England  have  the  custody  of  it.  In  accordance  with  the  custom  of 
historical  societies  the  manuscript  is  printed  without  making  corrections:  even  the  name  Gardiner  is  printed 
Gardener  because,  it  may  be,  the  letter  intended  for  an  t",  does  not  happen  to  be  dotted,  obviously  the  result 
of  carelessness.  The  subject  matter  is  both  spirited  and  entertaining:  the  style  is  stately  and  quaint,  frequently 
amusing  and  always  exact,  and  abounds  in  scri plural  phrases  after  t lie  manner  of  the  Puritans. 

The  reader  will  bear  in  mind  that  this  is  a  copy  of  original  manuscript  written  iu  the  seventeenth  century, 
by  an  aged  man,  who  had  dwelt  twenty-fire  years  in  a  wilderness;  yet  Lion  Gardiner's  orthography.  :i>  weU 
as  phraseology,  will  compare  favorably  with  the  best  specimens  of  his  distinguished  contemporaries. 

LETTER. 

East  Hampton,  June  12,  1660. 
Loving  Friends,  Robert  Chapman  and  Thomas  Hurlburt :  My 
love  remembered  to  you  both,  these  are  to  inform,  that  as  you  desired 
me  when  I  was  with  you  and  Major  Mason  at  Seabrooke  two  years 
and  a  half  ago  to  consider  and  call  to  mind  the  passages  of  God's 
Providence  at  Seabrooke  in  and  about  the  time  of  the  Pequit  War, 
wherein -I  have  now  endeavoured  to  answer  your  desires  and  having 
rumaged  and  found  some  old  papers  then  written  it  was  a  great  help 
to  my  memory.  You  know  that  when  I  came  to  you  I  was  an  engi- 
neer or  architect,  whereof  carpentry  is  a  little  part,  but  you  know  I 
could  never  use  all  the  tools,  for  although  for  my  necessity,  I  was 
forced  sometimes  to  use  my  shifting  chissel,  and  my  holdfast,  yet  you 
know  1  could  never  endure  nor  abide  the  smoothing  plane ;  I  have  sent 
you  a  piece  of  timber  scored  and  forehewed  unfit  to  join  to  any  hand- 
some piece  of  work,  but  seeing  I  have  done  the  hardest  work,  you 


LION    GARDINER.  15 

must  get  somebody  to  chip  it  and  to  smooth  it  lest  the  splinters 
should  prick  some  men's  lingers,  for  the  truth  must  not  be  spoken 
at  all  times,  though  to  my  knowledge  I  have  written  nothing  but  the 
truth,  and  you  may  take  out  or  put  in  what  you  please,  or  if  you 
will,  throw  it  all  into  the  fire ;  but  I  think  you  may  let  the  Governor 
and  Major  Mason  see  it.  I  have  also  inserted  some  additions  of 
things  that  were  done  since,  that  they  may  be  considered  together. 
And  thus  as  I  was  when  I  was  with  you,  so  I  remain  still. 

Your  Loving  Friend, 

Lion  Gardiner. 

relation. 

In  the  year  1635, 1,  Lion  Gardiner,  engineer  and  master  of  works  of 
fortification  in  the  legers  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  in  the  Low  Coun- 
tries, through  the  persuasion  of  Mr.  John  Davenport,  Mr.  Hugh  Peters 
with  some  other  well-affected  Englishmen  of  Rotterdam,  I  made  an 
agreement  with  the  forenamed  Mr.  Peters  for  £100  per  annum,  for 
four  years,  to  serve  the  company  of  patentees,  namely,  the  Lord  Say, 
the  Lord  Brooks,  Sir  Arthur  Hazilrig,  Sir  Mathew  Bonnington,  Sir 
Richard  Saltingstone,  Esquire  Fenwick,  and  the  rest  of  their  com- 
pany. I  was  to  serve  them  only  in  the  drawing,  ordering  and  making 
of  a  city,  towns  or  forts  of  defence. 

And  so  I  came  from  Holland  to  London,  and  from  thence  to  New 
England,  where  I  was  appointed  to  attend  such  orders  as  Mr.  John 
Winthrop,  Esquire,  the  present  Governor  of  Conectecott,  was  to 
appoint,  whether  at  Pequit  river,  or  Conectecott,  and  that  we  should 
choose  a  place  both  for  the  convenience  of  a  good  harbour,  and  also 
for  capableness  and  fitness  for  fortification. 

But  I  landing  at  Boston  the  latter  end  of  November,  the  afore- 
said Mr.  Winthrop  had  sent  before  one  Lieut.  Gibbons,  Sergeant 
Willard,  with  some  carpenters,  to  take  possession  of  the  river's  mouth, 
where  they  began  to  build  houses  against  the  spring;  we  expecting, 
according  to  promise,  that  there  would  have  come  from  England  to 
us  300  able  men,  whereof  200  should  attend  fortification,  50  to  till 
the  ground,  and  50  to  build  houses. 

But  our  great  expectation  at  the  river's  mouth  came  only  to  two 


16  PAPERS   AND   BIOGRAPHY   OF 

men,  viz.  Mr.  Fenwick,  and  his  man,  who  came1  with  Mr.  Hugh  Peters, 
and  Mr.  Oldham  and  Thomas  Stanton,  bringing  with  them  some 
otter-skin  coats,  and  beaver,  and  skeins  of  wampum,  which  the  Pe- 
quits  had  sent  for  a  present,  because  the  English  had  required  those 
Pequits  that  had  killed  a  Virginean,  one  Capt.  Stone,  with  his  bark's 
crew,  in  Conectecott  river,  for  they  said  they  would  have  their  lives 
and  not  their  preseuts ;  then  I  answered,  "seeing  you  will  take  Mr. 
Winthrop  to  the  Bay  to  see  his  wife,  newly  brought  to  bed  of  her 
first  child,  and  though  you  say  he  shall  return,  yet  I  know  if  you 
make  war  with  these  Pequits,  he  will  not  come  hither  again,  for  I 
know  you  will  keep  yourselves  safe,  as  you  think,  in  the  Bay,  but 
myself,  with  these  few,  you  will  leave  at  the  stake  to  be  roasted,  or 
for  hunger  to  be  starved,  for  Indian  corn  is  now  12s.  per  bushel,  and 
we  have  but  three  acres  planted,  and  if  they  will  now  make  war  for 
a  Virginian  and  expose  us  to  the  Indians,  whose  mercies  are  cruel- 
ties, they,  I  say,  love  the  Virginians  better  than  us :  for,  have  they 
stayed  these  four  or  five  years,  and  will  they  begin  now,  we  being  so 
few  in  the  river,  and  have  scarce  holes  to  put  our  heads  in  \ " 

I  pray  ask  the  Magistrates  in  the  Bay  if  they  have  forgot  what 
I  said  to  them  when  they  returned  from  Salem  ?  For  Mr.  Winthrop, 
Mr.  Haines,  Mr.  Dudley,  Mr.  Ludlow,  Mr.  Humfry,  Mr.  Belingam,  Mr. 
Coddington,  and  Mr.  Nowell ; — these  entreated  me  to  go  with  Mr. 
Humfry  and  Mr.  Peters  to  view  the  country,  to  see  how  fit  it  was  for 
fortification.  And  I  told  them  that  nature  had  done  more  than  half 
the  work  already,  and  I  thought  no  foreign  potent  enemy  would  do 
thein  any  hurt,  but  one  that  was  near.  They  asked  me  who  that  was, 
and  I  said  it  was  Capt.  Hunger  that  threatened  them  most,  for,  said 
I,  "  war  is  like  a  three-footed  stool,  want  one  foot  and  down  comes 
all ;  and  these  three  feet  are  men,  victuals,  and  munition,  therefore, 
seeing  in  peace  you  are  like  to  be  famished,  what  will  or  can  be 
done  if  war  ?  Therefore  I  think,"  said  I,  "  it  will  be  best  only  to 
fight  against  Capt.  Hunger,  and  let  fortification  alone  awhile  ;  and  if 
need  hereafter  require  it,  I  can  come  to  do  you  any  service : "  and 
they  all  liked  my  saying  well. 

Entreat  them  to  rest  awhile,  till  we  get  more  strength  here  about 
us,  and  that  we  hear  where  the  seat  of  war  will  be,  may  approve  of 
it,  and  provide  for  it,  for  I  had  but  twenty-four  in  all,  men.  women, 


LION   GARDINER.  17 

and  boys  and  girls,  and  not  food  for  them  for  two  months,  unless  we 
saved  our  corn-field,  which  could  not  possibly  be  if  they  came  to 
war,  for  it  is  two  miles  from  our  home. 

Mr.  Winthrop,  Mr.  Fenwick,  and  Mr.  Peters  promised  me  that 
they  would  do  their  utmost  endeavour  to  persuade  the  Bay-men  to 
desist  from  war  a  year  or  two,  till  we  could  be  better  provided  for  it ; 
and  then  the  Pequit  Sachem  was  sent  for,  and  the  present  returned, 
but  full  sore  against  my  will. 

So  they  three  returned  to  Boston,  and  two  or  three  days  after 
came  an  Indian  from  Pequit,  whose  name  was  Cocommithus,  who  had 
lived  at  Plimoth,  and  could  speak  good  English;  he  desired  that  Mr. 
Steven  Winthrop  go  to  Pequit  with  an  £100  worth  of  trucking  cloth 
and  all  other  trading  ware,  for  they  knew  that  we  had  a  great  cargo 
of  goods  of  Mr.  Pincheon's,  and  Mr.  Steven  Winthrop  had  the  dis- 
posing of  it.  And  he  said  that  if  he  would  come  he  might  put  off  all 
his  goods,  and  the  Pequit  Sachem  would  give  him  two  horses  that 
had  been  there  a  great  while.  So  I  sent  the  shallop  with  Mr.  Steven 
Winthrop,  Sergeant  Tille,  whom  we  called  afterward  Sergeant  Ket- 
tle, because  he  put  the  kettle  on  his  head,  and  Thomas  Hurlbut  and 
three  men  more,  charging  them  that  they  should  ride  in  the  middle 
of  the  river,  and  not  go  ashore  until  they  had  done  all  their  trade, 
and  that  Mr.  Steven  Winthrop  should  stand  in  the  hold  of  the  boat, 
having  their  guns  by  them,  and  swords  by  their  sides,  the  other  four 
to  be,  two  in  the  fore  cuddie,  and  two  in  aft,  being  armed  in  like 
manner,  that  so  they  out  of  the  loop-holes  might  clear  the  boat,  if 
they  were  by  the  Pequits  assaulted ;  and  that  they  should  let  but 
one  canoe  come  aboard  at  once,  with  no  more  but  four  Indians  in 
her,  and  when  she  had  traded  then  another,  and  that  they  should  lie 
no  longer  there  than  one  day,  and  at  night  to  go  out  of  the  river ;  and 
if  they  brought  the  two  horses,  to  take  them  in  a  clear  piece  of  land 
at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  two  of  them  to  go  ashore  to  help  the  horses 
in,  and  the  rest  stand  ready  with  their  guns  in  their  hands,  if  need 
were,  to  defend  them  from  the  Pequits,  for  I  durst  not  trust  them. 
So  they  went  and  found  but  little  trade,  and  they  having  forgotten 
what  I  charged  them,  Thomas  Hurlbut  and  one  more  went  ashore  to 
boil  the  kettle,  and  Thomas  Hurlbut  stepping  into  the  Sachem's  wig- 
wam, not  far  from  the  shore,  enquiring  for  the  horses,  the  Indians 


18  PAPKKS   AND   BI0G11APHY    OF 

went  out  of  the  wigwam,  and  Wineumbone,  his  mother's  sister,  was 
then  the  great  Pequit  Sachem's  wife,  who  made  signs  to  him  that  he 
should  be  gone,  for  they  would  cut  off  his  head ;  which,  when  he  per- 
ceived, he  drew  his  sword  and  ran  to  the  others,  and  got  aboard,  and 
immediately  came  abundance  of  Indians  to  the  water-side  and  called 
them  to  come  ashore,  but  they  immediately  set  sail  and  came  home, 
and  this  caused  me  to  keep  watch  and  ward,  for  I  saw  they  plotted 
our  destruction. 

And  suddenly  after  came  Capt.  Endecott,  Capt.  Turner,  and  Capt. 
Undrill,  with  a  company  of  soldiers,  well  fitted,  to  Seabrook.  and 
made  that  place  their  rendezvous  or  seat  of  war,  and  that  to  my  great 
grief,  for,  said  I,  "  you  come  hither  to  raise  these  wasps  about  my 
ears,  and  then  you  will  take  wing  and  flee  away  ; "  but  when  I  had 
seen  their  commission  I  wondered,  and  made  many  allegations 
against  the  manner  of  it,  but  go  they  did  to  Pequit,  and  as  they 
came  without  acquainting  any  of  us  in  the  river  with  it,  so  they  went 
against  our  will,  for  I  knew  that  I  should  loose  our  corn-field  ;  then 
I  entreated  them  to  hear  what  I  would  say  to  them,  which  was  this  : 
"  sirs,  seeing  you  will  go,  I  pray  you,  if  you  don't  load  your  barks 
with  Pequits,  load  them  with  corn,  for  that  is  now  gathered  with 
them,  and  dry,  ready  to  put  into  their  barns,  and  both  you  and  we 
have  need  of  it,  and  I  will  send  my  shallop  and  hire  this  Dutchman's 
boat,  there  present,  to  go  with  you,  and  if  you  cannot  attain  your 
end  of  the  Pequits,  yet  you  may  load  your  barks  with  corn,  which 
will  be  welcome  to  Boston  and  to  me : "  But  they  said  they  had  no 
bags  to  load  them  with,  then  said  I,  "  here  is  three  dozen  erf  new  bags, 
you  shall  have  thirty  of  them,  and  my  shallop  to  carry  them,  and  six 
of  them  my  men  shall  use  themselves,  for  I  will  with  the  Dutchmen 
send  twelve  men  well  provided ; "  and  I  desired  them  to  divide  the 
men  into  three  parts,  viz.  two  parts  to  stand  without  the  corn,  and  to 
defend  the  other  one-third  part,  that  carried  the  corn  to  the  water- 
side, till  they  have  loaded  what  they  can.  And  the  men  there  in 
arms,  when  the  rest  are  aboard,  shall  in  order  go  aboard,  the  rest 
that  are  aboard  shall  with  their  arms  clear  the  shore,  if  the  Pequits 
do  assault  them  in  the  rear,  and  then,  when  the  General  shall  display 
his  colours,  all  to  set  sail  together.  To  this  motion  they  all  agreed, 
and  I  put  the  three  dozen  of  bags  aboard  my  shallop,  and  away  they 


LION   GARDINER.  19 

went,  and  demanded  the  Peqnit  Sachem  to  come  into  parley.  But 
it  was  returned  for  answer,  that  he  was  from  home,  but  within  three 
hours  he  would  come ;  and  so  from  three  to  six,  and  thence  to  nine, 
there  came  none.  But  the  Indians  came  without  arms  to  our  men, 
in  great  numbers,  and  they  talked  with  my  men,  whom  they  knew ; 
but  in  the  end,  at  a  word  given,  they  all  on  a  sudden  ran  away  from 
our  men,  as  they  stood  in  rank  and  hie,  and  not  an  Indian  more  was 
to  be  seen  :  and  all  this  while  before,  they  carried  all  their  staff 
away,  and  thus  was  that  great  parley  ended.  Then  they  displayed 
their  colours,  and  beat  their  drums,  burnt  some  wigwams  and  some 
heaps  of  coin,  and  nay  men  carried  as  much  aboard  as  they  could, 
but  the  army  went  aboard,  leaving  my  men  ashore,  which  ought  to 
have  marched  aboard  first.  But  they  all  set  sail,  and  my  men  were 
pursued  by  the  Indians,  and  they  hurt  some  of  the  Indians,  two 
of  them  came  home  wounded.  The  Bay-men  killed  not  a  man, 
save  that  one  Kichomiquim,  an  Indian  Sachem  of  the  Bay,  killed 
a  Pequit ;  and  thus  began  the  war  between  the  Indians  and  us  in 
these  parts. 

So  my  men  being  come  home,  and  having  brought  a  pretty 
quantity  of  corn  with  them,  they  informed  me,  both  Dutch  and  Eng- 
lish, of  all  passages.     I  was  glad  of  the  corn. 

After  this  I  immediately  took  men  and  went  to  our  corn-field,  to 
gather  our  corn,  appointing  others  to  come  about  with  the  shallop 
and  fetch  it,  and  left  five  lusty  men  in  the  strong-house,  with  long- 
guns,  which  house  I  had  built  for  the  defence  of  the  corn.  Now  these 
men  not  regarding  the  charge  I  had  given  them,  three  of  them  went 
a  mile  from  the  house  a  fowling ;  and  having  loaded  themselves  with 
fowl  they  returned.  But  the  Pequits  let  them  pass  first,  till  they  had 
loaded  themselves,  but  at  their  return  they  arose  out  of  their  am- 
bush, and  shot  them  all  three  ;  one  of  them  escaped  through  the 
corn,  shot  through  the  leg,  the  other  two  they  tormented.  Then 
the  next  day  I  sent  the  shallop  to  fetch  the  five  men,  and  the  rest 
of  the  corn  that  was  broken  down,  and  they  found  but  three,  as 
is  above  said,  and  when  they  had  gotten  that  they  left  the  rest; 
and  as  soon  as  they  had  gone  a  little  way  from  shore  thej"  saw  the 
house  on  fire. 

Now  so  soon  as  the  boat  came  home,  and  brought  us  this  bad 


20  PAPERS    AND    BIOGRAPHY    OF 

news,  old  Mr.  Michell  was  very  urgent  with  me  to  lend  him  the  boat 
to  fetch  hay  home  from  the  Six-mile  Island,  but  I  told  him  they  were 
too  few  men,  for  his  four  men  conld  but  carry  the  hay  aboard,  and 
one  must  stand  in  the  boat  to  defend  them,  and  they  must  have  two 
more  at  the  foot  of  the  Rock,  with  their  guns,  to  keep  the  Indians 
from  running  down  upon  them.  And  in  the  first  place,  before  they 
carry  any  of  the  cocks  of  hay,  to  scour  the  meadow  with  their  three 
dogs, — to  march  all  abreast  from  the  lower  end  up  to  the  Rock,  and 
if  they  found  the  meadow  clear,  then  to  load  their  hay ;  but  this  was 
also  neglected,  for  they  all  went  ashore  and  fell  to  carrying  off 
their  hay,  and  the  Indians  presently  rose  out  of  the  long  grass, 
and  killed  three,  and  took  the  brother  of  Mr.  Michell,  who  is  the 
minister  of  Cambridge,  and  roasted  him  alive  ;  and  so  they  served 
a  shallop  of  his,  coming  down  the  river  in  the  Spring,  having  two 
men,  one  whereof  they  killed  at  Six-mile  Island,  the  other  came  down 
drowned  to  tis  ashore  at  our  doors,  with  an  arrow  shot  into  his  eye 
through  his  head. 

In  the  22d  of  February,  I  went  out  witli  ten  men  and  three  dogs, 
half  a  mile  from  the  house,  to  burn  the  weeds,  leaves  and  reeds, 
upon  the  neck  of  land,  because  we  had  felled  twenty  timber-trees, 
which  we  were  to  roll  to  the  water-side  to  bring  home,  every  man 
carrying  a  length  of  match  with  brimstone-matches  with  him  to 
kindle  the  hre  withal.  But  when  we  came  to  the  small  of  the  Neck, 
the  weeds  burning,  I  having  before  this  set  two  sentinels  on  the  small 
of  the  Neck,  I  called  to  the  men  that  were  burning  the  reeds  to  come 
away,  but  they  would  not  until  they  had  burnt  up  the  jest  of  their 
matches.  Presently  there  starts  up  four  Indians  out  of  the  fiery 
reeds,  but  ran  away,  I  calling  to  the  rest  of  our  men  to  come  away 
out  of  the  marsh.  Then  Robert  Chapman  and  Thomas  'Hurlbut, 
being  sentinels,  called  to  me,  saying  there  came  a  number  of  In- 
dians out  of  the  other  side  of  the  marsh.  Then  I  went  to  stop 
them,  that  they  should  not  get  the  wood-land  ;  but  Thomas  Hurlbut 
cried  out  to  me  that  some  of  the  men  did  not  follow  me,  for  Thomas 
Rumble  and  Arthur  Branch,  threw  down  their  two  guns  and  ran 
away  ;  then  the  Indians  shot  two  of  them  that  were  in  the  reeds,  and 
sought  to  get  between  us  and  home,  but  durst  not  come  before  us, 
but  kept  us  in  a  half-moon,  we  retreating  and  exchanging  many  a 


LION   GARDINER.  21 

shot,  so  that  Thomas  Hurlbut  was  shot  almost  through  the  thigh, 
John  Spencer  in  the  hack,  into  his  kidneys,  myself  into  the  thigh, 
two  more  were  shot  dead.  But  in  our  retreat  I  kept  Hurlbut  and 
Spencer  still  before  us,  we  defending  ourselves  with  our  naked 
swords,  or  else  they  had  taken  us  all  alive,  so  that  the  two  sore 
wounded  men,  by  our  slow  retreat,  got  home  with  their  guns,  when 
our  two  sound  men  ran  away  and  left  their  guns  behind  them.  But 
when  I  saw  the  cowards  that  left  us,  I  resolved  to  let  them  draw  lots 
which  of  them  should  be  hanged,  for  the  articles  did  hang  up  in 
the  hall  for  them  to  read,  and  they  knew  they  had  been  pub- 
lished long  before.  But  at  the  intercession  of  old  Mr.  Michell,  Mr. 
Higgisson,  and  Mr.  Pell,  I  did  forbear. 

Within  a  few  days  after,  when  I  had  cured  myself  of  my  wound, 
I  went  out  with  eight  men  to  get  some  fowl  for  our  relief,  and  found 
the  guns  that  were  thrown  away,  and  the  body  of  one  man  shot 
through,  the  arrow  going  in  at  the  right  side,  the  head  sticking  fast, 
half  through  a  rib  on  the  left  side,  which  I  took  out  and  cleansed  it, 
and  presumed  to  send  to  the  Bay,  because  they  had  said  that  the 
arrows  of  the  Indians  were  of  no  force. 

Anthony  Dike,  master  of  a  bark,  having  his  bark  at  Rhode 
Island  in  the  winter,  was  sent  by  Mr.  Vane,  then  Governor. 
Anthony  came  to  Rhode  Island  by  land,  and  from  thence  he  came 
with  his  bark  to  me  with  a  letter,  wherein  was  desired  that  I 
should  consider  and  prescribe  the  best  way  I  could  to  quell  these 
Pequits,  which  I  also  did,  and  with  my  letter  sent  the  man's  rib 
as  a  token. 

A  few  days  after  came  Thomas  Stanton  down  the  river,  and 
staying  for  a  wind,  while  he  was  there  came  a  troop  of  Indians 
within  musket  shot,  laying  themselves  and  their  arms  down  behind 
a  little  rising  hill  and  two  great  trees ;  which  I  perceiving,  called 
the  carpenter  whom  I  had  shewed  how  to  charge  and  level  a  gun, 
and  that  he  should  put  two  cartridges  of  musket  bullets  into  two 
sakers  guns  that  lay  about;  and  we  levelled  them  against  the  place, 
and  I  told  him  that  he  must  look  towards  me,  and  when  he  saw  me 
wave  my  hat  above  my  head  he  should  give  fire  to  both  the  guns  ; 
then  presently  came  three  Indians,  creeping  out  and  calling  to  us  to 
speak  with  us  :  and  I  was  glad  that  Thomas  Stanton  was  there,  and 


22  PAPERS   AND   BIOGRAPHY   OF 

I  sent  six  men  down  by  the  Garden  Pales  to  look  that  none  should 
come  under  the  hill  behind  us ;  and  having  placed  the  rest  in  places 
convenient  closely,  Thomas  and  I  with  my  sword,  pistol  and  carbine, 
went  ten  or  twelve  poles  without  the  gate  to  parley  with  them.  And 
when  the  six  men  came  to  the  Garden  Pales,  at  the  corner,  they  found 
a  great  number  of  Indians  creeping  behind  the  fort,  or  betwixt  us 
and  home,  but  they  ran  away.  Now  I  had  said  to  Thomas  Stanton, 
whatsoever  they  say  to  you,  tell  me  first,  for  we  will  not  answer  them 
directly  to  anything,  for  I  know  not  the  mind  of  the  rest  of  the  Eng- 
lish. So  they  came  forth,  calling  us  nearer  to  them,  and  we  them 
nearer  to  us.  But  I  would  not  let  Thomas  go  any  further  than  the 
great  stump  of  a  tree,  and  I  stood  by  him  ;  then  they  asked  who  we 
were,  and  he  answered  "  Thomas  and  Lieutenant,"  But  they  said  he 
lied,  for  I  was  shot  with  many  arrows  ;  and  so  I  was,  but  my  buff 
coat  preserved  me,  only  one  hurt  me.  But  when  I  spake  to  them 
they  knew  my  voice,  for  one  of  them  had  dwelt  three  months  with 
us,  but  ran  away  when  the  Bay-men  came  first.  Then  they  asked 
us  if  we  would  tight  with  Niantecut  Indians,  for  they  were  our 
friends  and  came  to  trade  with  us.  We  said  we  knew  not  the 
Indians  one  from  another,  and  therefore  would  trade  with  none. 
Then  they  said,  have  you  fought  enough?  'We  said  we  knew  not 
yet,  Then  they  asked  if  we  did  use  to  kill  women  and  children? 
We  said  that  they  should  see  that  hereafter.  So  they  were  silent 
a  small  space,  and  then  they  said.  We  are  Pequits,  and  have  killed 
Englishmen,  and  can  kill  them  as  mosquetoes,  and  we  will  go  to  Con- 
ectecott  and  kill  men,  women,  and  children,  and  we  will  take  away 
the  horses,  cows  and  hogs.  When  Thomas  Stanton  had  told  me  this, 
he  prayed  me  to  shoot  that  rogue,  for,  said  he,  he  hath  an  English- 
man's coat  on,  and  saith  that  he  hath  killed  three,  and  these  other 
four  have  their  eloathes  on  their  backs.  I  said,  "no,  it  is  not  the 
manner  of  a  parley,  but  have  patience  and  I  shall  tit  them  ere  they 
go."  "Nay,  now  or  never,"  said  he;  so  when  he  could  get  no  other 
answer  but  this  last,  I  bid  him  tell  them  that  they  should  not  go  to  Con- 
ectecott,  for  if  they  did  kill  all  the  men,  and  take  all  the  rest  as  they 
said,  it  would  do  them  no  good,  but  hurt,  for  Englishwomen  are  lazy, 
and  can't  do  their  work ;  horses  and  cows  will  spoil  your  corn-fields, 
and  the  hogs  their  clam-banks,  and  so  undo  them  :  then  I  pointed  to 


LION   GARDINER.  23 

our  great  house,  and  bid  him  tell  them  there  lay  twenty  pieces  of 
tracking  cloth,  of  Mr.  Pincheon's,  with  hoes,  hatchets,  and  all  man- 
ner of  trade,  they  were  better  light  still  with  us,  and  so  get  all 
that,  and  then  go  up  the  river  after  they  had  killed  all  us.  Having 
heard  this,  they  were  mad  as  dogs,  and  ran  away  ;  then  when  they 
came  to  the  place  from  whence  they  came,  I  waved  my  hat  about 
my  head,  and  the  two  great  guns  went  off,  so  that  there  was  a  great 
hubbub  amongst  them. 

Then  two  days  after  came  down  Capt.  Mason,  and  Sergeant 
Seely,  with  five  men  more,  to  see  how  it  was  with  us ;  and  whilst 
they  were  there,  came  down  a  Dutch  boat,  telling  us  the  Indians  had 
killed  fourteen  English,  for  by  that  boat  I  had  sent  up  letters  to  Con- 
ectecott,  what  I  heard,  and  what  I  thought,  and  how  to  prevent  that 
threatened  danger,  and  received  back  again  rather  a  scoff,  than  any 
thanks  for  my  care  and  pains.  But  as  I  wrote,  so  it  fell  out  to  my 
great  grief  and  theirs,  for  the  next,  or  second  day  after,  as  Major 
Mason  well  knows,  came  down  a  great  many  canoes,  going  down  the 
creek  beyond  the  marsh,  before  the  fort,  many  of  them  having  white 
shirts  ;  then  I  commanded  the  carpenter  whom  T  had  shewed  to  level 
great  guns,  to  put  in  two  round  shot  in  the  two  sackers,  and  we  lev- 
elled them  at  a  certain  place,  and  I  stood  to  bid  him  give  fire,  when 
I  thought  the  canoe  would  meet  the  bullet,  and  one  of  them  took  off 
the  nose  of  a  great  canoe  wherein  the  two  maids  were,  that  were 
taken  by  the  Indians,  whom  I  redeemed  and  clothed,  for  the  Dutch- 
men, whom  I  sent  to  fetch  them,  brought  them  away  almost  naked 
from  Petpiit,  they  putting  on  their  own  linen  jackets  to  cover  their 
nakedness ;  and  though  the  redemption  cost  me  ten  pounds,  I  am  yet 
to  have  thanks  for  my  care  and  charge  about  them  :  these  things  are 
known  to  Major  Mason. 

Then  came  from  the  Bay  Mr.  Tille,  with  a  permit  to  go  up  to 
Harford,  and  coming  ashore  he  saw  a  paper  nailed  up  over  the  gate, 
whereon  was  written  that  no  boat  or  bark  should  pass  the  fort,  but 
that  they  come  to  an  anchor  first,  that  I  might  see  whether  they 
were  armed  and  manned  sufficiently,  and  they  were  not  to  land 
any  where  after  they  passed  the  fort  till  they  came  to  Wethersfield ; 
and  this  I  did  because  Mr.  Michell  had  lost  a  shallop  before  coming 
down  from  Wethersfield,  with  three  men  well  armed.    This  Mr.  Tille 


24  PAPERS    AND   BIOGRAPHY    OP 

gave  me  ill  language  for  my  presumption,  as  he  called  it,  with  other 
expressions  too  long  here  to  write.  When  he  had  done  I  bid  him  go 
to  his  warehouse,  which  he  had  built  before  I  came,  to  fetch  his 
goods  from  thence,  for  I  would  watch  no  longer  over  it.  So  he,  know- 
ing nothing,  went  and  found  his  house  burnt,  and  one  of  Mr.  Plum's 
with  others,  and  he  told  me  to  my  face  that  I  had  caused  it  to  be 
done  ;  but  Mr.  Higgisson,  Mr.  Pell,  Mr.  Thomas  Hurlbut  and  John 
Green  can  witness  that  the  same  day  that  our  house  was  burnt  at 
Cornfield-point  I  went  with  Mr.  Higgisson,  Mr.  Pell,  and  four  men 
more,  broke  open  a  door  and  took  a  note  of  all  that  was  in  the  house 
and  gave  it  to  Mr.  Higgisson  to  keep,  and  so  brought  all  the  goods 
to  our  house,  and  delivered  it  all  to  them  again  when  they  came  for 
it,  without  any  penny  of  charge.  Now  the  very  next  day  after  I  had 
taken  the  goods  out,  before  the  sun  was  quite  down,  and  we  all  to- 
gether in  the  great  hall,  all  them  houses  were  on  fire  in  one  instant. 
The  Indians  ran  away,  but  I  would  not  follow  them.  Now  when  Mr. 
Tille  had  received  all  his  goods  I  said  unto  him,  I  thought  I  had 
deserved  for  my  honest  care  both  for  their  bodies  and  goods  of  those 
that  passed  by  here,  at  the  least  better  language,  and  am  resolved  to 
order  such  malepert  persons  as  you  are ;  therefore  I  wish  you  and 
also  charge  you  to  observe  that  which  you  have  read  at  the  gate,  'tis 
my  duty  to  God,  my  masters,  and  my  love  I  bear  to  you  all  which  is 
the  ground  of  this,  had  you  but  eyes  to  see  it ;  but  you  will  not  till 
you  feel  it.  So  he  went  up  the  river,  and  when  he  came  down  again 
to  his  place,  which  I  call  Tille's  folly,  now  called  Tille's  point,  in  our 
sight  in  despite,  having  a  fair  wind  he  came  to  an  anchosj  and  with 
one  man  more  went  ashore,  discharged  his  gun,  and  the  Indians  fell 
upon  him,  and  killed  the  other,  and  carried  him  alive  over  the  river 
in  our  sight,  before  my  shallop  could  come  to  them  ;  for  imme- 
diately I  sent  seven  men  to  fetch  the  Pink  down,  or  else  it  had  been 
taken  and  three  men  more.  So  they  brought  her  down,  and  I  sent 
Mr.  Higgisson  and  Mr.  Pell  aboard  to  take  an  invoice  of  all  that  was 
in  the  vessel,  that  nothing  might  be  lost. 

Two  days  after  came  to  me,  as  I  had  written  to  Sir  Henerie  Vane, 
then  Governor  of  the  Bay,  I  say  came  to  me  Capt.  Undrill,  with  twenty 
lusty  men,  well  armed,  to  stay  with  me  two  months,  or  'till  some- 
thing should  be  done  about  the  Pequits.  He  came  at  the  charge  of 
my  masters. 


LION   GARDINER.  25 

Soon  after  came  down  from  Harford  Maj.  Mason,  Lieut.  Seely, 
accompanied  with  Mr.  Stone  and  eighty  Englishmen,  and  eighty  In- 
dians, with  a  commission  from  Mr.  Ludlow  and  Mr.  Steel,  and  some 
others ;  these  came  to  go  tight  with  the  Pequits.  But  when  Capt 
Undrill  and  I  had  seen  their  commission,  we  both  said  they  were  not 
fitted  for  such  a  design,  and  we  said  to  Maj .  Mason,  we  wondered  he 
would  venture  himself,  being  no  better  fitted ;  and  he  said  the  Magis- 
trates could  not  or  would  not  send  better :  then  we  said  that  none  of 
our  men  should  go  with  them,  neither  should  they  go  unless  we, 
that  were  bred  soldiers  from  our  youth,  could  see  some  likelihood 
to  do  better  than  the  Bay -men  with  their  strong  commission  last 
year. 

Then  I  asked  them  how  they  durst  trust  the  Mohegin  Indians, 
who  had  but  that  year  come  from  the  Pequits.  They  said  they  would 
trust  them,  for  they  could  not  well  go  without  them  for  want  of 
guides.  Yea,  said  I,  but  I  will  try  them  before  a  man  of  ours  shall 
go  with  you  or  them ;  and  I  called  for  Uncas  and  said  unto  him, 
"  you  say  you  will  help  Maj.  Mason,  but  I  will  first  see  it,  therefore 
send  you  now  twenty  men  to  the  Bass  river,  for  there  went  yester- 
night six  Indians  in  a  canoe  thither;  fetch  them  now  dead  or  alive, 
and  then  you  shall  go  with  Maj.  Mason,  else  not."  So  he  sent  his 
men  who  killed  four,  brought  one  a  traitor  to  us  alive,  whose  name 
was  Kiswas,  and  one  run  away.  And  I  gave  him  fifteen  yards  of 
trading  cloth  on  my  own  charge,  to  give  unto  his  men  according  to 
their  desert.  And  having  staid  there  five  or  six  days  before  we 
could  agree,  at  last  we  old  soldiers  agreed  about  the  way  and  act, 
and  took  twenty  insufficient  men  from  the  eighty  that  came  from 
Harford  and  sent  them  up  again  in  a  shallop,  and  Capt.  Undrill  with 
twenty  of  the  lustiest  of  our  men  went  in  their  room,  and  I  fur- 
nished them  with  such  things  as  they  wanted,  and  sent  Mr.  Pell,  the 
surgeon  with  them;  and  the  Lord  God  blessed  their  design  and 
way,  so  that  they  returned  with  victory  to  the  glory  of  God,  and 
honour  of  our  nation,  having  slain  three  hundred,  burnt  their  fort, 
and  taken  many  prisoners. 

Then  came  to  me  an  Indian  called  Wequash.  and  I  by  Mr.  Hig- 
gisson  inquired  of  him,  how  many  of  the  Pequits  were  yet  alive  that 
had  helped  to  kill  Englishmen ;  and  he  declared  them  to  Mr.  Higgis- 


26  PAPERS   AND  BIOGRAPHY   OF 

son,  and  he  writ  them  down,  as  may  appear  by  his  own  hand  here 
enclosed,  and  I  did  as  therein  is  written. 

Then  three  days  after  the  fight  came  Waiandance,  next  brother  to 
the  old  Sachem  of  Long  Island,  and  having  been  recommended  to  me 
by  Maj.  Gibbons,  he  came  to  know  if  we  were  angry  with  all  Indians. 
I  answered  "  no,  but  only  with  such  as  had  killed  Englishmen." 
He  asked  me  whether  they  that  lived  upon  Long  Island  might  come 
to  trade  with  us  ?  I  said  "  no,  nor  we  with  them,  for  if  I  should  send 
my  boat  to  trade  for  corn,  and  you  have  Pequits  with  you,  and  if  my 
boat  should  come  into  some  creek  by  reason  of  bad  weather,  they 
might  kill  my  men,  and  I  shall  think  that  you  of  Long-Island  have 
done  it,  and  so  we  may  kill  all  you  for  the  Pequits  ;  but  if  you  will 
kill  all  the  Pequits  that  come  to  you,  and  send  me  their  heads,  then  I 
will  give  to  you  as  to  Weakwash,  and  you  shall  have  trade  with  us." 
Then,  said  he,  I  will  go  to  my  brother,  for  he  is  the  great  Sachem 
of  Long-Island,  and  if  we  may  have  peace  and  trade  with  you,  we 
will  give  you  tribute  as  we  did  the  Pequits.  Then  I  said,  "If  you 
have  any  Indians  that  have  killed  English,  you  must  bring  their 
heads  also."  He  answered  not  any  one,  and  said  that  Gib- 
bons, my  brother  would  have  told  you  if  it  had  been  so ;  so  he 
went  away  and  did  as  I  had  said,  and  sent  me  five  heads,  three 
and  four  heads  for  which  I  paid  them  that  brought  them  as  I  had 
promised. 

Then  came  Capt.  Stoten  with  an  army  of  300  men,  from  the  Bay, 
to  kill  the  Pequits ;  but  they  were  fled  beyond  New  Haven  to  a 
swamp.  I  sent  Wequash  after  them,  who  went  by  night  to  spy  them 
out,  and  the  army  followed  him,  and  found  them  at  the  great  swamp, 
who  killed  some  and  took  others,  and  the  rest  fled  to  the  Mowhakues 
with  their  Sachem.  Then  the  Mohaws  cut  off  his  head  and  sent  it 
to  Harford,  for  then  they  all  feared  us,  but  now  it  is  otherwise,  for 
they  say  to  our  faces  that  our  Commissioner's  meeting  once  a  year, 
and  speak  a  great  deal,  or  write  a  letter,  and  there's  all  for  they  dare 
not  tight.  But  before  they  went  to  the  Great  Swamp  they  sent 
Thomas  Stanton  over  to  Long  Island  and  Shelter  Island,  to  find 
Pequits  there,  but  there  was  none,  for  the  Sachem  Waiandance,  that, 
was  at  Plimoth  when  the  Commissioners  were  there,  and  set  there 
last,  I  say,  he  had  killed  so  many  of  the  Pequits,  and  sent  their  heads 


LION   GARDINER.  27 

to  me,  that  they  durst  not  come  there ;  and  he  and  his  men  went  with 
the  English  to  the  Swamp,  and  thus  the  Pequits  were  quelled  at  that 
time. 

But  there  was  like  to  be  a  great  broil  between  Miantenomie  and 
Unchus  who  should  have  the  rest  of  the  Pequits,  but  we  mediated 
between  them  and  pacified  them ;  also  Unchus  challenged  the  Nar- 
raganset  Sachem  out  to  a  single  combat,  but  he  would  not  fight  with- 
out all  his  men  ;  but  they  were  pacified,  though  the  old  grudge  re- 
mained still,  as  it  doth  appear. 

Thus  far  I  had  written  in  a  book,  that  all  men  and  posterity  might 
know  how  and  why  so  many  honest  men  had  their  blood  shed,  yea, 
and  some  flayed  alive,  others  cut  in  pieces,  and  some  roasted  alive, 
only  because  Kichamokin,  a  Bay  Indian  killed  one  Pequit;  and 
thus  far  of  the  Pequit  war,  which  was  but  a  comedy  in  comparison 
of  the  tragedies  which  hath  been  here  threatened  since,  and  may  yet 
come,  if  God  do  not  open  the  eyes,  ears,  and  hearts  of  some  that  I 
think  are  wilfully  deaf  and  blind,  and  think  because  there  is  no 
change  that  the  vision,  fails,  and  put  the  evil  threatened  -  day  far 
off,  for  say  they,  we  are  now  twenty  to  one  to  what  we  were  then, 
and  none  dare  meddle  with  us.  Oh !  wo  be  to  the  pride  and  security 
which  hath  been  the  ruin  of  many  nations,  as  woful  experience  has 
proved. 

But  I  wonder,  and  so  doth  many  more  with  me,  that  the  Bay 
doth  not  better  revenge  the  murdering  of  Mr.  Oldham,  an  honest 
man  of  their  own,  seeing  they  were  at  such  cost  for  a  Virginian.  The 
Narragansets  that  were  at  Block-Island  killed  him,  and  had  £50  of 
gold  of  his,  for  I  saw  it  when  he  had  five  pieces  of  me,  and  put  it  up 
into  a  clout  and  tied  it  up  altogether,  when  he  went  away  from  me 
to  Block-Island ;  but  the  Narragansets  had  it  and  punched  holes 
into  it,  and  put  it  about  their  necks  for  jewels :  and  afterwards  I 
saw  the  Dutch  have  some  of  it,  which  they  had  of  the  Narragansets  at 
a  small  rate. 

And  now  I  find  that  to  be  true  which  our  friend  Waiandance 
told  me  many  years  ago,  and  that  was  this ;  that  seeing  all  the  plots 
of  the  Narragansets  were  always  discovered,  he  said  they  would  let 
us  alone  till  the}'  had  destroyed  Uncas,  and  him,  and  then  they,  with 
the  Mowquakes  and  Mowhaukes  and  the  Indians  beyond  the  Dutch, 


28  PAPERS   AND   BIOGRAPHY   OF 

and  all  the  Northern  and  Eastern  Indians,  would  easily  destroy  us, 
man  and  mother's  son.  This  have  I  informed  the  Governors  of  these 
parts,  but  all  in  vain,  for  I  see  they  have  done  as  those  of  Wethers- 
field,  not  regarding  till  they  were  impelled  to  it  by  blood  ;  and  thus 
we  may  be  sure  of  the  fattest  of  the  flock  are  like  to  go  first,  if  not 
altogether,  and  then  it  will  be  too  late  to  read  Jer.  xxv. — for  drink 
we  shall  if  the  Lord  be  not  the  more  merciful  to  us  for  our  extreme 
pride  and  base  security,  which  cannot  but  stink  before  the  Lord ; 
and  we  may  expect  this,  that  if  there  should  be  war  again  between 
England  and  Holland,  our  friends  at  the  Dutch  and  our  Dutch  Eng- 
lishmen would  prove  as  true  to  us  now,  as  they  were  when  the  fleet 
came  out  of  England ;  but  no  more  of  that,  a  word  to  the  wise  is 
enough. 

And  now  I  am  old,  I  would  fain  die  a  natural  death,  or  like  a 
soldier  in  the  field,  with  honor,  and  not  to  have  a  sharp  stake  set  in 
the  ground,  and  thrust  into  my  fundament,  and  to  have  my  skin 
flayed  off  by  piece-meal,  and  cut  in  pieces  and  bits,  and  my  flesh 
roasted  and  thrust  down  my  throat,  as  these  people  have  done, 
and  I  know  will  be  done  to  the  chiefest  in  the  country  by  hun- 
dreds, if  God  should  deliver  us  into  their  hands,  as  justly  he  may 
for  our  sins. 

I  going  over  to  Meantecut,  upon  the  eastern  end  of  Long  Island, 
upon  some  occasion  that  I  had  there,  I  found  four  Narragansets  there 
talking  with  the  Sachem  and  his  old  counsellors.  I  asked  an  Indian 
what  they  were  ?  He  said  that  they  were  Narragansets,  and  that 
one  was  Miannemo,  a  Sachem.  "  What  came  they  for?"  said  I.  He 
said  he  knew  not,  for  they  talked  secretly ;  so  I  departed  to  another 
wigwam.  Shortly  after  came  the  Sachem  Waiandance  to  me  and 
said,  do  you  know  what  these  came  for  ?  "  No,"  said  I ;  then  he 
said,  they  say  I  must  give  no  more  wampum  to  the  English,  for  they 
are  no  Sachems,  nor  none  of  their  children  shall  be  in  their  place  if 
they  die ;  and  they  have  no  tribute  given  them ;  there  is  but  one 
king  in  England,  who  is  over  them  all,  and  if  you  would  send  him 
100,000  fathom  of  wampum,  he  would  not  give  you  a  knife  for  it,  nor 
thank  you.  And  I  said  to  them,  Then  they  will  come  and  kill  us 
all,  as  they  did  the  Pequits ;  then  they  said,  no,  the  Pequits  gave 
them  wampum  and  beaver,  which  they  loved  so  well,  but  they  sent 


LION   GARDINER.  29 

it  them  again,  and  killed  them  because  they  had  killed  an  English- 
man ;  but  you  have  killed  none,  therefore  give  them  nothing.  Now 
friend,  tell  me  what  I  shall  say  to  them,  for  one  of  them  is  a  great 
man.  Then  said  I,  "  tell  them  that  you  must  go  first  to  the  farther 
end  of  Long-Island,  and  speak  with  all  the  rest,  and  a  month  hence 
you  will  give  them  an  answer.  Mean  time  you  may  go  to  Mr.  Haines, 
and  he  will  tell  you  what  to  do,  and  I  will  write  all  this  now  in  my  book 
that  I  have  here ;"  and  so  he  did,  and  the  Narragansets  departed,  and 
this  Sachem  came  to  me  at  my  house,  and  I  wrote  this  matter  to  Mr. 
Haines,  and  he  went  up  with  Mr.  Haines,  who  forbid  him  to  give 
anything  to  the  Narraganset,  and  writ  to  me  so. — And  when  they 
came  again  they  came  by  my  Island,  and  I  knew  them  to  be  the 
same  men ;  and  I  told  them  they  might  go  home  again,  and  I  gave 
them  Mr.  Haynes  his  letter  for  Mr.  Williams  to  read  to  the  Sachem. 
So  they  returned  back  again,  for  I  had  said  to  them,  that  if  they 
would  go  to  Mantacut  I  would  go  likewise  with  them,  and  that  Long- 
Island  must  not  give  wampum  to  Narraganset. 

A  while  after  this  came  Miantenomie  from  Block-Island  to  Man- 
tacut with  a  troop  of  men,  Waiandance  being  not  at  home;  and 
instead  of  receiving  presents,  which  they  used  to  do  in  their  progress, 
he  gave  them  gifts,  calling  them,  "  brethren  and  friends  ;  for  so  are 
we  all  Indians  as  the  English  are,  and  say  brother  to  one  another ; 
so  must  we  be  one  as  they  are,  otherwise  we  shall  be  all  gone  shortly, 
for  you  know  our  fathers  had  plenty  of  deer  and  skins,  our  plains 
were  full  of  deer,  as  also  our  woods,  and  of  turkies,  and  our  coves 
full  of  fish  and  fowl.  But  these  English  having  gotten  our  land, 
they  with  scythes  cut  down  the  grass,  and  with  axes  felled  the  trees ; 
their  cows  and  horses  eat  the  grass,  and  their  hogs  spoil  our  clam 
banks,  and  we  shall  all  be  starved  ;  therefore  it  is  best  for  you  to  do 
as  we,  for  we  are  all  the  sachems  from  east  to  west,  both  Mouqua- 
kues  and  Mowhauks  joining  with  us,  and  we  are  all  resolved  to  fall 
upon  them  all,  at  one  appointed  day ;  and  therefore  I  am  come  to 
you  privately  first,  because  you  can  persuade  the  Indians  and  Sa- 
chem to  what  you  will,  and  I  will  send  over  fifty  Indians  to  Block- 
Island,  and  thirty  to  you  from  thence,  and  take  an  hundred  of  South- 
ampton Indians  with  an  hundred  of  your  own  here ;  and  when  you 
see  the  three  fires  that  will  be  made  forty  days  hence,  in  a  clear 


30  PAPERS   AND   BIOGRAPHY   OF 

night ;  then  do  as  we,  and  the  next  day  fall  on  and  kill  men  women, 
and  children,  but  no  cows,  for  they  will  serve  to  eat  till  our  deer  be 
increased  again."     And  our  old  men  thought  it  was  well. 

So  the  Sachem  came  home  and  had  but  little  talk  with  them,  yet 
he  was  told  there  had  been  a  secret  consultation  between  the  old  men 
and  Miantenomie,  but  they  told  him  nothing  in  three  days.  So  he 
came  over  to  me  and  acquainted  with  the  manner  of  the  Narragansets 
being  there  with  his  men,  and  asked  me  what  I  thought  of  it ;  and  I 
told  him  that  the  Narraganset  Sachem  was  naught  to  talk  with  his 
men  secretly  in  his  absence,  and  bid  him  go  home,  and  told  him  a 
way  how  he  might  know  all,  and  then  he  should  come  and  tell  me ; 
and  so  he  did,  and  found  all  out  as  is  above  written,  and  I  sent  intel- 
ligence of  it  over  to  Mr.  Haynes  and  Mr.  Eaton ;  but  because  my 
boat  was  gone  from  home  it  was  fifteen  days  before  they  had  any 
letter,  and  Miantenomie  was  gotten  home  before  they  had  the  news 
of  it.  And  the  old  men,  when  they  saw  how  I  and  the  Sachem  had 
beguiled  them,  and  that  he  was  come  over  to  me,  they  sent  secretly 
a  canoe  over,  in  a  moon-shine  night,  to  Narraganset  to  tell  them  all 
was  discovered  ;  so  the  plot  failed,  blessed  be  God,  and  the  plotter, 
next  spring  after,  did  as  Ahab  did  at  Ramoth-Gilead. — So  he  to  Mo- 
hegin,  and  there  had  his  fall. 

Two  years  after  this,  Ninechrat  sent  over  a  captain  of  his,  who 
acted  in  every  point  as  the  former ;  him  the  Sachem  took  and  bound 
and  brought  him  to  me,  and  I  wrote  the  same  to  Governor  Eaton, 
and  sent  an  Indian  that  was  my  servant  and  had  lived  four  years 
with  me ;  him,  with  nine  more,  I  sent  to  carry  him  to  New-Haven, 
and  gave  them  food  for  ten  days.  But  the  wind  hindered  them  at 
Plum-Island  ;  then  they  went  to  Shelter-Island,  where  the  old  Sachem 
dwelt — "VVaiandance's  elder  brother,  and  in  the  night  they  let  him 
go,  only  my  letter  they  sent  to  New-Haven,  and  thus  these  two  plots 
was  discovered ;  but  now  my  friend  and  brother  is  gone,  who  will 
now  do  the  like  ? 

But  if  the  premises  be  not  sufficient  to  prove  Waiandance  a  true 
friend  to  the  English,  for  some  may  say  he  did  all  this  out  of  malice 
to  the  Pequits  and  Narragansets ;  now  I  shall  prove  the  like  with 
respect  to  the  Long-Islanders,  his  own  men.  For  I  being  at  Meanta- 
cut,  it  happened  that  for  an  old  grudge  of  a  Pequit,  who  was  put  to 


LION   GARDINER.  31 

death  at  Southampton,  being  known  to  be  a  murderer,  and  for  this 
his  friends  bear  spite  against  the  English.  So  as  it  came  to  pass  at 
that  day  I  was  at  Mantacut,  a  good  honest  woman  was  killed  by 
them  at  Southampton,  but  it  was  not  known  then  who  did  this  mur- 
der. And  the  brother  of  this  Sachem  was  Shinacock  Sachem  could  or 
would  not  find  it  out.  At  that  time  Mr.  Gosmore  and  Mr.  Howell, 
being  magistrates,  sent  an  Indian  to  fetch  the  Sachem  thither;  and 
it  being  in  the  night,  I  was  laid  down  when  he  came,  and  being  a 
great  cry  amongst  them,  upon  which  all  the  men  gathered  together, 
and  the  story  being  told,  all  of  them  said  the  Sachem  should  not  go, 
for,  said  they,  they  will  either  bind  you  or  kill  you,  and  then  us,  both 
men,  women  and  children ;  therefore  let  your  brother  find  it  out,  or 
let  them  kill  you  and  us,  we  will  live  and  die  together.  So  there 
was  a  great  silence  for  a  while,  and  then  the  Sachem  said,  now  you 
have  all  done  I  will  hear  what  my  friend  will  say,  for  he  knows  what 
they  will  do.  So  they  wakened  me  as  they  thought,  but  I  was  not 
asleep,  and  told  me  the  story,  but  I  made  strange  of  the  matter,  and 
said,  "  If  the  magistrates  have  sent  for  you  why  do  you  not  go  ? " 
They  will  bind  me  or  kill  me,  saith  he.  "  I  think  so,"  said  I,  "  if 
you  have  killed  the  woman,  or  known  of  it,  and  did  not  reveal  it ; 
but  you  were  here  and  did  it  not.  But  was  any  of  your  Mantauket 
Indians  there  to-day  ? "  They  all  answered,  not  a  man  these  two 
days,  for  we  have  inquired  concerning  that  already.  Then  said  I, 
"  did  none  of  you  ever  hear  any  Indian  say  he  would  kill  English  ? " 
No,  said  they  all ;  then  I  said,  "  I  shall  not  go  home  'till  to-morrow, 
though  I  thought  to  have  been  gone  so  soon  as  the  moon  was  up,  but 
I  will  stay  here  till  you  all  know  it  is  well  with  your  Sachem ;  if 
they  bind  him,  bind  me,  and  if  they  kill  him,  kill  me.  But  then  you 
must  find  out  him  that  did  the  murder,  and  all  that  know  of  it,  them 
they  will  have  and  no  more."  Then  they  with  a  great  cry  thanked 
me,  and  I  wrote  a  small  note  with  the  Sachem,  that  they  should  not 
stay  him  long  in  their  houses,  but  let  him  eat  and  drink  and  be  gone, 
for  Jie  had  his  way  before  him.  So  they  did,  and  that  night  he  found 
out  four  that  were  consenters  to  it,  and  knew  of  it,  and  brought  them 
to  them  at  Southampton,  and  they  were  all  hanged  at  Harford, 
whereof  one  of  these  was  a  great  man  among  them,  commonly  called 
the  Blue  Sachem. 


32  PAPERS   AND   BIOGRAPHY   OF 

A  further  instance  of  his  faithfulness  is  this ;  about  the  Pequit 
war  time  one  William  Hamman  of  the  Bay,  killed  by  a  giant-like 
Indian  towards  the  Dutch.  I  heard  of  it,  and  told  Waiandance  that 
he  must  kill  him  or  bring  him  to  me,  but  he  said  it  was  not  his 
brother's  mind,  and  he  is  the  great  Sachem  of  all  Long-Island,  like- 
wise the  Indian  is  a  mighty  great  man,  and  no  man  durst  meddle 
with  him,  and  hath  many  friends.  So  this  rested  until  he  had  killed 
another,  one  Thomas  Farrington.  After  this  the  old  Sachem  died, 
and  I  spake  to  this  Sachem  again  about  it,  and  he  answered,  He  is 
so  cunning  that  when  he  hears  that  I  come  that  way  a  hunting,  that 
his  friends  tell  him,  and  then  he  is  gone. — But  I  will  go  at  some  time 
when  nobody  knows  of  it,  and  then  I  will  kill  him  ;  and  so  he  did — - 
and  this  was  the  last  act  which  he  did  for  lis,  for  in  the  time  of  a 
great  mortality  among  them  he  died,  but  it  was  by,  poison  ;  also  two 
thirds  of  the  Indians  upon  Long-Island  died,  else  the  Narragansets 
had  not  made  such  havoc  here  as  they  have,  and  might  not  help 
them. 

And  this  I  have  written  chiefly  for  our  own  good,  that  we  might 
consider  what  danger  we  are  all  in,  and  also  to  declare  to  the  country 
that  we  had  found  an  heathen,  yea  an  Indian,  in  this  respect  to 
parallel  the  Jewish  Mordecai.  But  now  I  am  at  a  stand,  for  all  we 
English  would  be  thought  and  called  Christians ;  yet  though  I  have 
seen  this  before  spoken,  having  been  these  twenty -four  years  in  the 
mouth  of  the  premises,  yet  I  know  not  where  to  find,  or  whose  name 
to  insert,  to  parallel  Ahasuerus  lying  on  his  bed  and  could  not  sleep, 
and  called  for  the  Chronicles  to  be  read ;  and  when  he  heard  Mor- 
decai named,  said,  What  hath  been  done  for  him  ?  But  who  will  say 
as  he  said,  or  do  answerable  to  what  he  did '.  But  our  New-Eng- 
land twelve-penny  Chronicle  is  stuffed  with  a  catalogue  of  the  names 
of  some,  as  if  they  had  deserved  immortal  fame ;  but  the  right  New- 
England  military  worthies  are  left  out  for  want  of  room,  as  Maj. 
Mason,  Capt.  Undrill  Lieut.  Sielly,  &c,  who  undertook  the  desperate 
way  and  design  to  Mistick  Fort,  and  killed  three  hundred,  burnt  the 
fort  and  took  many  prisoners,  though  they  are  not  once  named. 
But  honest  Abraham  thought  it  no  shame  to  name  the  confederates 
that  helped  him  to  war  when  he  redeemed  his  brother  Lot ;  but 
Uncas  of  Mistick,  and  Waiandance,  at  the  Great  Swamp  and  ever 


LION   GARDINER.  33 

since  your  trusty  friend,  is  forgotten,  and  for  our  sakes  persecuted 
to  this  day  with  fire  and  sword,  and  Ahasuerus  of  New-England  is 
still  asleep,  and  if  there  be  any  like  to  Ahasuerus,  let  him  remember 
what  glory  to  God  and  honor  to  our  nation  hath  followed  their  wisdom 
and  valor. 

Awake !  awake  Ahasuerus,  if  there  be  any  need  of  thy  seed  or 
spirit  here,  and  let  not  Hainan  destroy  us  as  he  hath  done  our  Mor- 
decai !  And  although  there  hath  been  much  blood  shed  here  in 
these  parts  among  us,  God  and  we  know  it  came  not  by  us.  But  if 
all  must  drink  of  this  cup  that  is  threatened,  then  shortly  the  king 
Sheshack  shall  drink  last,  and  tremble  and  fall  when  our  pain  will 
be  past. 

O  that  I  were  in  the  countries  again,  that  in  their  but  twelve  years 
truce,  repaired  cities  and  towns,  made  strong  forts  and  prepared  all 
things  needful  against  a  time  of  war  like  Solomon.  I  think  the  soil 
hath  almost  infected  me,  but  what  they  or  our  enemies  will  do  here- 
after I  know  not.  I  hope  I  shall  not  live  so  long  to  hear  or  see  it 
for  I  am  old  and  out  of  date,  else  I  might  be  in  fear  to  see  and  hear 
that  I  think  ere  long  will  come  upon  us. 

Thus  for  our  tragical  story,  now  to  the  comedy.  When  we  were 
all  at  supper  in  the  great  hall,  they  the  Pequits  gave  us  alarm  to 
draw  us  out  three  times  before  we  could  finish  our  short  supper,  for 
we  had  but  little  to  eat,  but  you  know  that  I  would  not  go  out ;  the 
reasons  you  know.  2ndly.  You  Robert  Chapman,  you  know  that 
when  you  and  John  Bagley  were  beating  samp  at  the  Garden  Pales, 
the  sentinels  called  you  to  run  in,  for  there  was  a  number  of  Pequits 
creeping  to  you  to  catch  you  ;  I  hearing  it  went  up  to  the  redoubt 
and  put  two  cross-bar  shot  into  the  two  guns  that  lay  above,  and 
levelled  them  at  the  trees  in  the  middle  of  the  limbs  and  boughs, 
and  gave  order  to  John  Frend  and  his  man  to  stand  with  hand-spikes 
to  turn  them  this  or  that  way,  as  they  should  hear  the  Indians  shout, 
for  they  should  know  my  shout  from  theirs  for  it  should  be  very 
short.  Then  I  called  six  men  and  the  dogs,  and  went  out,  running  to 
the  place,  and  keeping  all  abreast,  in  sight,  close  together.  And 
when  I  saw  my  time,  I  said,  stand !  and  called  all  to  me  saying,  look 
on  me;  and  when  I  hold  up  my  hand,  then  shoufas  loud  as  you  can, 
and  when  I  hold  down  my  hand,  then  leave ;  and  so  they  did.     Then 


34  PAPERS   AND   BIOGRAPHY   OF 

the  Indians  began  a  long  shout,  and  then  went  off  the  two  great  guns 
and  tore  the  limbs  of  the  trees  about  their  ears,  so  that  divers  of 
them  were  hurt,  as  may  yet  appear,  for  you  told  me  when  I  was  up 
at  Harford  this  present  year,  '60,  in  the  month  of  September,  that 
there  is  one  of  them  lyeth  above  Harford,  that  is  fain  to  creep  on  all 
four,  and  we  shouted  once  or  twice  more ;  but  they  would  not  answer 
us  again,  so  we  returned  home  laughing. 

Another  pretty  prank  we  had  with  three  great  doors  of  ten  feet 
long  and  four  feet  broad,  being  bored  full  of  holes  and  driven  full 
of  long  nails,  as  sharp  as  awl  blades,  sharpened  by  Thomas  Hurl- 
but. — These  we  placed  in  certain  places  where  they  should  come, 
fearing  least  they  should  come  in  the  night  and  fire  our  redoubt  and 
battery,  or  all  the  place,  for  we  had  seen  their  footing,  where  they 
had  been  in  the  night,  when  they  shot  at  our  sentinels,  but  could  not- 
hit  them  for  the  boards ;  and  in  a  dry  time  and  a  dark  night  they 
came  as  they  did  before,  and  found  the  way  a  little  too  sharp  for 
them ;  and  as  they  skipped  from  one  they  trod  upon  another,  and 
left  the  nails  and  doors  dyed  with  their  blood,  which  you  know  we 
saw  the  next  morning  laughing  at  it. 

And  this  I  write  that  young  men  may  learn,  if  they  should  meet 
with  such  trials  as  we  met  with  there,  and  have  not  opportunity  to 
cut  off  their  enemies ;  yet  they  may,  with  such  pretty  pranks,  pre- 
serve themselves  from  danger, — for  policy  is  needful  in  wars  as  well 
as  strength. 


LION   GARDINER.  35 


CHAPTER  III. 
LETTERS  TO  JOHN  WINTHROP,  JR. 

The  discovery  of  manuscripts  In  the  hand  writing  of  Lion  Gardiner  was  a  great  surprise  to  his  descendants 
and  to  students  of  our  early  colonial  history.  They  appear  to  have  been  brought  forth  hy  unexpected  hands 
from  unexpected  places.  His  ••Relation  of  the  Pequot  Wars,"  tlrst  published  in  1833.  and  his  "Letters  to 
John  Winthrop,  Jr.,"  lirst  published  In  1865,  were  found  in  the  custody  of  strangers,  yet  rightfully  possessed  ; 
having  escaped  fire  and  flood  and  avoided  every  other  hazard  for  periods  varying  from  one  hundred  and  llfty- 
eight  to  two  hundred  and  twenty-four  years.  The  letters  contained  in  this  chapter  are  a  part  of  the  collec- 
tion which  have  been  published,  from  time  to  time,  by  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  under  the 
designation  of  "  "Winthrop  Papers  "  —being  of  a  mass  of  manuscripts  preserved  for  many  gen  rations  by  the 
Winthrop  family  of  New  London.  Many  of  the  letters  of  this  collection  bear  dates  from  the  earliest  settle- 
ments in  New  England,  and  quite  a  number  were  written  by  eminent  persons.  The  discovery  or  these 
manuscripts  was  made  at  the  Winthrop  residence  on  Fisher's  Island  in  Long  Island  Sound  in  1860;  a  large 
and  valuable  Island  which  was  first  purchased  by  John  Winthrop,  Jr..  in  1641.  It  seems  the  existence  ot 
this  collection  was  wholly  unknown  to  the  present  generations:  and  the  finding  Of  them  was  unexpected;  man}' 
of  them  were  apparently  In  the  same  condition  as  when  originally  tiled.  As  usual  the  historical  society  have 
printed  these  letters  without  corrections;  and,  consequently,  the  irregular  orthography  used  by  our  ances- 
tors in  their  carelessly  writ  ten  private  letters,  is  made  to  appear  as  if  on  exhibition.  The  "Winthrop  Papers  " 
are  invaluable  to  the  student  of  New  England  affairs,  ami  will  be  found  in  the  Mass.  Hist  Coll.,  Vols.  VI  and 
VII,  4th  series,  and  I  and  VIII.  5th  series. 

[From  the  Collections  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  Vol.  VII,  4th  Series,  52-85.] 

LION   GARDINER  TO  JOHN   WINTHROP,  JR. 

To  the   WorsM2>full  Mr.  John   Winthrope  Junior  Esquire  at  Bos- 
towne  in  the  bay  these  present. 

Worsiiipfull  Sir, — I  have  received  your  letter,  whearein  I  doe 
vnderstand  that  you  are  not  like  to  returne,  and  accordinge  to  your 
order  I  have  sent  your  servaunts  Robeart  and  Sara.  I  wonder  that 
you  did  not  write  to  me,  but  it  is  noe  wonder,  seeing  that  since  your 
and  Mr.  Phenix  departure,  there  hath  beene  noe  provision  sent,  but, 
one  the  contrary,  people  to  eate  vp  that  small,  now  noe  store,  that 
wee  had.  Heare  hath  come  many  vessells  with  provision,  to  goe  vp 
to  the  plantations,  but  none  for  vs.  It  seemes  that  wee  have  neather 
masters  nor  owners,  but  are  left  like  soe  many  servaunts  whose 
masters  are  willinge  to  be  quitt  of  them  ;  but  now  to  late  I  wish  that 
I  had  putt  my  thoughts  in  practice,  that  was  to  stay  and  take  all 
such  provisions  out  of  the  vessells,  as  was  sufficent  for  a  yeare ; 
summer  goods  God's  good  providence  hath  not  onely  brought,  but 
allso  stayed,  but  if  the  could  have  gone,  I  did  intent  to  have  taken 


36  PAPERS   AND   BIOGRAPHY   OF 

all  the  vietualls  out,  and  kept  them  for  owre  necesitie ;  and  seeinge 
that  you,  Mr.  Peeters,  and  Phenwicke  knowes  that  it  was  agaynst  my 
minde  to  send  the  Peqnitts  present  agayne,  and  I  with  theas  few  men 
are,  by  your  wills  and  likeings,  put  into  a  warlike  condicion,  there 
shall  be  noe  cause'  to  complayne  of  our  ffidelitie  and  indeavours  to 
you  ward,  and  if  I  see  that  there  be  not  such  care  for  vs  that  owr 
lives  may  be  preserved,  then  must  I  be  fforoed  to  shift  as  the  Lord 
shall  direct.  I  wish  that  it  may  be  for  God's  glory  and  all  your 
credits  and  proffitts.  Heare  is  not  5  shillings  of  money  and  noe 
bevor.  The  Dutch  man  will  bringe  vs  some  corne  and  rye,  but  we 
have  noe  thinge  to  pay  him  for  it.  Mr.  Pinchin,  had  a  bill  to  receive 
all  the  wampampeige  we  had  ;  we  have  not  soe  much  as  will  pay  for 
the  mendinge  of  our  ould  boate.  I  have  sent  your  cowes  vp  to  the 
plantations  with  2  oxen ;  2  of  them  we  have  killed  and  eaten,  with 
the  goates :  a  ramm  goate  was  brought  from  the  Manatos,  but  the 
enemie  gott  him  and  all  the  greate  swine,  22,  in  one  day,  and  had 
gotten  all  the  sheep  and  cowes  likewise,  had  we  not  sallid  out.  It 
was  one  of  the  Saboath  day,  and  there  was  4  men  with  the  cowes 
with  fierlocks.  For  the  sheep,  I  have  kept  them  thus  longe,  and 
when  the  pinckes  comes  downe  I  hope  the  will  bringe  hay  for  them 
for  I  haue  not  hay  for  them  to  eate  by  the  way,  if  I  should  sent  them 
to  the  bay ;  but  now  for  our  present  condicion  ;  since  Mr.  Phenwicke 
is  gone  for  England,  I  hope  you  will  not  be  fforgettfull  of  vs,  and  I 
thinke  if  you  had  not  beene  gone  away  and  he  had  not  come,  we 
had  not  as  yet  beene  at  warrs  with  the  Indians  vppon  such  tearmes ; 
they  vp  the  river  when  I  sent  to  them  how  it  stood  with  vs,  &  in 
what  need  we  weare,  did  jeare  or  mock  vs,  but  time  and  patience 
will  shew  the  efect  of  it.  I  heare  that  the  Bachelor  is  to  bringe  vs 
provision,  I  pray  you  forgett  vs  not  when  shee  comes  from  the  Ber- 
mudas with  some  potates,  for  heare  hath  beene  some  Virginians  that 
hath  taught  vs  to  plant  them  after  a  nother  way,  and  I  have  put  it 
in  practise,  and  found  it  good.  I  pray  you  when  you  pay  or  recken 
with  the  owners  of  the  pincke  which  brought  the  gunns  heather,  to 
shorten  them  for  3  weekes  time  and  diet,  for  Sergant  Tilley  for  pilat- 
einge  the  pincke  vp  with  the  cowes.  I  have,  instead  of  your  man 
Robert,  hired  Azarias  for  20  shillings  per  moneth,  or  else  I  should  not 
have  let  him  come  away.     Heare  is  2  men  and  ther  wifes  come  from 


LION   GARDINER.  37 

the  D utoli  plantation,  a  tayler  and  a  shipp  write,  and  I  sett  them 
boath  to  worke,  but  I  have  neather  money  nor  victualls  to  pay  them. 
I  doe  intend  to  sett  the  Dutch  man  to  worke  to  make  a  Dutch  smacke 
sayle,  which  shall  carry  30  or  40  tun  of  goods,  and  not  draw  3  foote 
and  a  halfe  of  water,  principally  to  tranceport  goods  and  passengers 
vp  the  river  in  safety.  I  pray  lett  us  not  want  money  or  victualls, 
that  some  things  may  goe  forward.  Mr.  Peeter  sayd  when  he  was 
heare  that  I  should  sell  victualls  to  John  Nott,  Richard  Graves,  and 
them  that  came  from  the  Dutch  plantation,  out  of  that  little  we 
had,  and  if  all  fayled  he  would  supply  vs  with  more,  and  fish  like 
wise,  to  sell,  but  we  have  neather  fish  nor  flesh  to  sell  for  others  nor 
yet  for  [ourse]  Ives.  Your  wisdome  will  vnderstand  the  meaneinge 
of  this  writeinge. 

At  the  closing  of  this  letter  came  the  cetch  from  the  Naragansets 
with  corne,  and  I  haue  tackeli  one  hondard  buchils  of  it,  be  cans  I 
do  not  know  whether  we  shall  haue  anie  relief  or  not.  Sum  other 
small  things  of  good-man  Robbingson  and  John  Charts  I  haue  re- 
sauid,  I  pray  yow  fayl  not  to  pay  them.  Thus  with  my  loue  to  your 
selfe,  your  wife,  fTather,  mothar,  and  brethren,  I  reste  yowrs 

to  cumand 

Lion  Gardiner. 

Saybroock,  this  6  of  Novem.  1636.  1636. 

We  haue  great  cause  of  fear  that  William  Quick  with  all  the 
men  &^barke  are  taken  by  the  Indians,  coming  downe  the  river ;  the 
Hope  &  they  came  downe  togither  from  Watertowne,  &  came  togither 
20  mile.  William  Quick  stayd  there  behind,  &  we  fear  went  ashore 
a  fowling.  The  Hope  came  in  yesterday  at  noone,  the  wind  hath 
been  very  faire  to  haue  brought  them  downe  ever  since,  &  yet  they 
are  not  come.  We  sadly  fear  the  event :  Pray  for  vs  &  consider, 
&c.  &c.  &c. 

Nov :  7,  late  at  night. 

Immediately  after  the  writing,  this  they  came  in  dark  night  be- 
yond expectation :  but  I  thinke  it  would  be  good  if  no  vessels  may 
be  suffred  to  come,  but  the  men  knowne  &  fitted  with  amies  suitable, 
charg'd  not  to  goe  ashore,  for  they  venture  not  onely  their  owne  liues 


38  PAPERS   AND   BIOGRAPHY   OF 

but  wrong  others  also.  The  Indians  are  many  hundreds  of  both 
sides  the  riuer,  &  shoote  at  our  pinaces  as  they  goe  vp  &  downe,  for 
they  furnish  the  Indians  with  peeces,  powder,  &  shot,  &  they  come 
many  times  &  shoot  our  owne  pieces  at  vs,  they  haue  3  from  vs, 
allready,  5  of  Capt.  Stones,  one  of  Charles  his,  &c.  Pardon  our 
hast,  &c.  &c. 


LION   GARDINER  TO   JOHN   WINTHROP,   JR. 

To  the  Worsh'upfull  Mr.  John  Winthrop,  at  Boston,  Ipsidge,  or  ese 

where,  thes  deliver. 

Worsiiipeull  Sir, — These  are  to  certyfie  you  how  the  Lord 
hath  beene  pleased  to  deale  with  vs  this  winter :  it  hath  pleased 
him,  of  his  goodnes  and  mercy,  to  give  vs  rest  from  the  Indians  all 
this  winter,  butt  one  the  22th  of  the  last  moneth  I,  with  tenn  men 
more  with  me,  went  abou  [e]  our  neck  of  land  to  lire  some  small 
bushes  and  marshes,  whear  we  thought  the  enimie  might  have  lien 
in  ambush,  and  aboute  halfe  amile  from  home  we  started  3  Indians, 
and  havinge  posibility  to  have  cutt  them  short,  we  runinge  to  meett 
them,  and  to  fire  the  marsh,  but  whylest  our  men  was  settinge  it  one 
fire,  there  rushed  out  of  the  woods,  2  severall  wayes,  a  great  com- 
pany of  Indians,  which  though  we  gaue  fire  vppon  them,  jett  they 
run  one  to  the  very  mussells  of  our  peices,  and  soe  the  shott  3  men 
downe  in  the  place,  and  3  more  men  shott  that  escaped,  of  which  one 
died  the  sam[e]  night;  and  if  the  Lord  had  not  putt, it  into  my 
mind  to  make  the  men  draw  ther  swords,  the  had  taken  vs  all  aline, 
•  soe  that  sometime  shouttinge  and  sometime  retraightinge,  keepinge 
them  of  with  our  sword  [s,]  we  recovered  a  bayre  place  of  ground, 
which  this  winter  I  had  cleard  for  the  same  vse,  and  they  durst  not 
follow  vs  any  further,  because  yt  is  vnder  command  of  our  great 
guns,  of  which  I  hope  the  have  had  some  experience,  as  we  heare  by 
the  relation  of  other  Indians,  and  your  friend  Sacious  and  Nebott 
are  the  cheife  actors  of  the  treachery  &  villainy  agaynst  vs.  As 
concerninge  my  sheep,  which  you  writt  to  me  of,  I  tooke  order  with 
Mr.  Gibbins  about  them,  but  if  he  be  not  yett  come  home,  I  would 
intreat  you  that  the  may  be  kept  with  yours,  untill  you  heare  from 


LION   GARDINER.  39 

him.  Thus  hopeinge  that  you  will  be  a  meanes  to  stirr  vp  our 
friends  in  the  bay,  out  of  there  dead  sleep  of  securytie,  to  think  that 
your  con dicon  may  be  as  ours  is,  vnles  some  speedy  course  be  taken, 
which  must  not  be  done  by  a  few,  but  by  a  great  company,  for  all 
the  Indian[s]  haue  ther  eyes  fixed  vppon  vs,  and  this  yeare  the  will 
all  joyne  with  vs  agaynst  the  Pequtt,  and  it  is  to  be  feared  that  the 
next  year  the  will  be  agaynst  vs.  We  have  vsed  2  sheets  of  your 
lead,  which  was  in  square  J_o_  foote.  I  hav  writ  to  the  gouernour  to 
pay  you  soe  much  agayne.  I  haue  sent  you  your  bead  steed,  and 
would  haue  made  a  better,  butt  time  would  not  permit,  for  we  watch 
every  other  night,  neuer  puttinge  of  our  clothes,  for  the  Indians  show 
themselves  in  troupes  aboutevs,  every  day,  as  this  bearer  can  certyfie 
you  more  at  large.  Thus  committinge  yon,  your  wife,  father  and 
mother,  Mr.  Peeter,  and  the  rest  of  our  friends,  to  God,  I  rest 

Your  asured  frend  to  command 

Lion  G[a]rdiner. 
1636. 
Seabrooke  this  23th  of  the  first  moneth,  1636. 

I  mentioned  that  your  lead  was  the  one  shiet  16  foot  longe  and  4 
brood,  the  other  10  longe  4  brodd. 

16  10 

4  4 

64  40 

40 

104  square  foot. 
Indorsed  by  J.  Winthrop,  jun.,  "  Leift  Leon  Gardiner :  " 


LION   GARDINER   TO   JOHN   WINTHROP,   JR. 

To  his  much  honored  ffrend  Mr.  John  Winthrop  at  JYameag,  dd. 

Honored  Sir, — I  haue  receiued  yours  by  the  Duchman,  with  the 
newes,  for  the  which  I  humbly  thanke  you.  I  sent  you  a  bush  ell  of 
hay  seeds  by  Dauid  Provost,  a  Duchman ;  if  you  thinke  that  it 
will  proue  and  sute  your  ground,  you  may  haue  more,  if  you  please. 


40  PAPERS   AND   BIOGRAPHY   OF 

I  lieare  you  haue.gotten  slieepe :  if  you  haue  not  a  compleat  English 
rarae  for  them,  I  can  lett  you  haue  one  which  will  bee  a  great  ad- 
vantage to  you.  This  bearers,  being  our  frends,  desired  me  to  write 
to  you  that  thay  might  leaue  their  canow  with  you  in  safty,  whilst 
thay  goe  to  Mohegan,  which  I  desier,  and  you  shall  command  me  as 
much  in  the  like  respect.    I  pray  remember  me  to  your  wife  and 

sister.     Soe  I  rest 

Lion  Gardiner, 
Wight,  this  14th  Aprill,  1649. 

Indorsed  by  John  Winthrop,  jun.,  "  Leift :  Gardiner,  Reed.  Apr :  16 :  " 


LION   GARDINER  TO   JOHN   WINTHROP,   JR. 

To  the  worthyly  Honnorld  met.  John  Wthorp  at  his  hows  at  Peqwit, 

theas  present. 

1650,  feom  the  Ilk  of  Wight,  Aprill  27. 

Honnorid  Ser, — I  resavid  yours  by  the  Indian,  with  the  hay  seed, 
for  which  I  kindly  thanke  yow  ;  and  for  the  cows  that  I  have  to  sell, 
yow  may  have  them.  Thay  ar  ten,  5  on  thier  second  or  3d  califf.  5 
heffers  redi  to  calve.  If  yow  will  have  all,  when  their  calves  ar 
wenid,  yow  may,  or  5  now,  the  rest  ten  weeks  hence,  for  fiftie  pound, 
in  good  marchantabl  wampem,  bever,  or  silver ;  but  if  yow  wil  have 
them  now,  before  the  hefers  have  calvid,  then  I  wil  keep  the  5  first 
calves,  and  their  price  is  55U.  If  my  ocations  wear  not  great,  I 
wowld  not  sel  som  of  them  for  8U.  a  peece.  As  consarnihg  the  yong 
man  yow  writ  of,  this  is  our  determination  :  not  to  have  aboue  12 
fafmilies,  and  wee  know  that  we  may  pay  as  much  as  24  in  othar 
plasis,  by  reson  of  the  fruitfulnes  of  our  ground,  and  by  reson  that 
we  ar  to  be  but  few,  we  ar  resolvid  not  to  resave  anie,  but  such  as 
ar  fit  for  Cherch  estate,  being  rethar  wiling  to  part  with  sum  of 
theas  hear,  then  to  resave  more  without  good  testimonie.  Att  pres- 
ent wee  ar  willing  to  giue  this  man  you  writ  of  20U.  a  yeai*,  with  such 
diat  as  I  myself  eat,  til  we  see  what  the  Lord  will  do  with  vs  ;  and 
being  he  is  but  a  yong  man,  hapily  he  hath  not  manie  books,  thear- 
fore  let  him  know  what  I  have.     First,  the  3  Books  of  Martters, 


LION   GARDINER.  41 

Erasmus,  moste  of  Perkins,  Wilsons  Dixtionare,  a  large  Coneordiance, 
Mayor  on  the  New  T[e]stement ;  some  of  theas,  with  othar  that  I 
have,  may  be  vcefull  to  him.  I  pray  you,  for  the  Lord  sake,  do 
what  you  can  to  get  him  hathar,  and  as  I  am  ingagid  to  you  allredie, 
so  shall  I  be  more 

Yours  to  comand  in  the  Lord, 

Lion  Gardener. 

I  pray  you  send  me  word  speedily  about  the  cows,  for  els  I  must 
dispoes  of  them  othar  ways. 


LION   GARDINER   TO   JOHN   WINTIIR0P,   JR. 

To  the  wortkyly  Jionnored  John  Winthorp  Esquire,  at  Peqwit,  tJieis 

present. 

Honnorid  Ser, — My  loue  and  sarvis  bing  remembrid  to  yow  and 
al  yours,  ar  theas  to  intreat  yow  to  send  me  word  whethar  thear  be 
anie  hope  of  the  man  of  Sitient,  whome  yow  writt  to  me  of;  if  not 
him,  whethar  yow  liear  of  anie  othar  that  might  serue  vs.  I  pray 
yow  consider  our  conditon,  and  though  wee  might  be  forgit  of  yow 
loue  and  care  for  vs,  yet  the  Lord  wil  not,  whoes  caws  it  is.  Thus, 
in  haste,  I  comit  yow  to  the  protextion  of  him  that  watchith  over 
Israeli,  and  rest 

Yours  by  his  help, 

Lion  Gardener. 

Wight,  this  10th  Agust,  1650. 

Indorsed  by  John  Wiathrop,  jun.,  "  Leift :  Gardener." 


LION   GARDINER   TO   JOHN   WINTHROP,   JR. 

From  the  Ile  of  Wight,  this  22th  of  November,  16£1. ." 

Honnored  Sir, — My  loue  and  sarvice  being  remembrid  to  you 

and  yours,  ar  theas  to  let  you  know  that  1  am  myndid  sudenly  to 

sell  20  or  30  pounds  worth  of  sheep,  and  having  this  opertunitie,  I 


42  PAPERS    AND   BIOGRAPHY    OF 

thought  to  prefer  them  to  yow,  knowing  that  thay  ar  of  a  better 
kinde  then  yours  ar,  espeshally  if  yow  think  fit  to  take  a  ram  or  2 
of  mine,  &  sarve  your  other  sheep  with  them,  but  that  at  your  owne 
ehoys.  Now  if  yow  pleas  to  haue  them,  the  pay  that  I  desyar  for 
them  is  m'archantable  wampem,  or  buttar  at  the  ordenarie  price,  6 
pence  a<1b.,  the  wampem  to  be  payd  to  Martin  Grayer,  the  Duch 
man,  when  he  cums  in  the  s[p]ring  to  Goodman  Stanton,  or  buter  to 
him  when  he  thinks  fit  to  fetch  it ;  but  if  you  minde  not  to  have 
them,  then,  let  Goodman  Stanton  have  the  next  prefer,  and  let  me 
have  a  flat  yea  or  nay  by  this  bearar,  Goodman  Bond.     Thus  in 

haste,  I  rest  « 

Yours  to  be  comandid, 

Lion  Gardener. 

Indorsed  by  John  Winthrop,  jun.,  "  Lt.  Gardiner." 


LION   GARDINER   TO  JOHN   WINTHROP,   JR. 

To  his  worthily  honored  John  Winter,  Esq.  at  his  house  in  Pequit, 

these  present. 
Ffrom  the  Ileaweight,  this  21  Ffebruary,  1651. 
Honered  Sir, — My  loue  and  seruice  being  remembred  to  you 
and  yours,  hoping  of  your  health,  as  we  are  all  at  present,  God  be 
praysed ;  these  are  to  let  you  know  that  all  yours  sheepe  ewes  which 
were  marked  for  you,  according  to  your  order,  by  goodman  Bond, 
on  Saturday  last  were  all  well  and  in  good  case,  and  we  looke  for 
lambes  the  begginning  of  March,  therefore  you  may  order  it  as  you 
see  good,  for  the  fetching  of  them  away.  I  desire  that  you  would 
satisfie  Captaine  Cryar  with  30  pound  of  good  wampom,  for  I  haue 
depended  upon  it,  and,  if  there  be  any  oppertunity,  I  pray  you  to 
send  me  ten  or  twenty  bushells  of  Indian  meale,  and  I  shall  returne 
you,  either  baiiy,  molt,  or  wampom.  I  should  intreat  you  that  these 
bags  of  wheat  that  I  now  send  may  be  returned  the  first  oppertunity, 
for  we  are  in  want  of  meale.  Thus  hoping  to  see  you  heere  when 
you  fetch  the  sheepe,  I  committing  [sic]  you  to  the  Lord  and  rest 

Yours  by  his  helpe, 

Lion  Gardener. 
Indorsed  by  John  Winthrop,  jun.,  "  Leift.  Gardiner,  wherein  his  order  for  the 
payment  of  30//.  to  Mr.  Creiger." 


LION    GARDINER.  43 


LION   GARDINER   TO    JOHN   WINTHROP,  JR. 

To  the  worfhyly  Honord  John  [  WinHirop]  Esqr. 

Honored  Sir, — I  expected  you  heere  the  last  weeke.  The  Mian- 
taquit  Sachem  told  me,  that  you  would  come  to  fetch  the  sheepe, 
but  hauing  this  oppertunity,  I  sent  these  3  bags  more,  that  if  you 
haue  any  corne,  I  desire  you  to  fill  my  bags,  and  send  them  by 
Joseph  Garlicke,  and  if  you  haue  none,  speake  to  Thomas  Stanton 
to  fill  them ;  and  when  you  come  for  the  sheepe  we  will  make  all 
strait  on  all  sides.  If  there  be  any  salt,  I  desire  you  to  send  me  2 
or  3  bushells  :  thus  hoping  to  se  you  heere,  I  rest 

Yours  to  command, 

Lion  Gardener. 

Indorsed  by  John  Winthrop,  jun.,  "  Mr.  Lion  Gardiner." 


LION   GARDINER   TO    JOHN    WINTHROP,   JR. 

From  the  Ile  of  Wight,  this  last  of  Febrewari,  1652. 

Honorid  Ser, — My  loue  and  sarvis  being  remembrid,  ar  theas  to 
thank  you  for  the  hay  seeds  you  sent  me.  I  sowid  them  then,  and 
sum  came  up.  I  have  sent  you  a  rariti  of  seeds  which  came  from 
the  Mouhaks,  which  is  a  kinde  of  milions,  but  far  exelith  all  othar. 
They  ar  as  good  as  weat  frowar  to  thikin  milk,  and  swet  as  sugar, 
and  bakid  tliay  [are]  most  exelent,  having  no  shell.  You  may  keep 
them  as  long  as  anie  pumkins.  And  whereas  you  formarly  spake 
to  me.  to  get  you  sum  shels,  I  have  sent  you  nou  by  Goodman  Garlick 
1200,  and  allso  32  shilings  in  good  wampem,  desyaring  you,  if  pos- 
ible,  to  send  me  2  or  3  bushils  of  sumar  wheat  that  is  clean,  without 
smut  for  seed ;  for  I  plowid  not  a  foot  of  ground  the  last  year,  and 
now  would  fain  sow  sum  that  is  clear  of  smut.  I  have  one  bagg 
with  you  still,  and  have  sent  3  more,  desiaring  to  fill  them  with 
meall  and  no  peas,  and  if  you  wil  be  pleasid  to  balance  our  small 
acounts,  what  is  dew  to  you,  I  will  send,  or  if  yow  wil  take  anie 
goods  of  Martin  Cruyar,  charge  it  on  my  acount,  and  I  wil  pay  him, 


44  PAPERS   AND  BIOGRAPHY   OF 

and  if  ame  opertewniti  aford,  hearafter,  yon  may  send  me  meall  at 
all  times,  and  I  shall  be  redie  to  make  pay  to  your  desiar.  Thus 
hoping  to  see  you  shortly,  I  comit  yow  to  the  Lord,  and  rest,  evar 

Yours,  Lion  Gardener. 

My  wife  desiarith  Mistris  Lake  to  get  hur  a  dusen  of  trays,  for 
shee  hearith  that  thear  is  a  good  tray  maker  with  you,  and  shee  or 
will  send  him  p  ay,  or  let  Martin  Cruyar,  if  he  lyke  anie  thing  he 
brings. 

The  shels  cost  me  30  shillings,  the  wampem  in  the  bag,  32. 

Indorsed  by  John  Winthrop,  jun.,  "  L  :  Gardiner." 


LION    GARDINER   TO   JOHN    WINTHROP,   JR. 

To  Ms  worthyly  honnorid  frind,  John  Wintliorp,  Esqu.  tlieas  pres- 
ent, Peqwit. 

Honnorid  Ser, — My  loue  and  sarvis  being  remembrid,  ar  theas  to 
let  you  know  that  I  resavid  the  2  bushils  of  Indian  meall  by  Cap. 
Sibada,  in  your  sak,  and  have  sent  in  it  3  bushils  of  malt,  and  4 
more  in  a  sak  of  myne  oune,  and  is  all  that  I  have  at  present.  I 
thought  to  have  sent  yow  sum  barly  to  have  maltid  thear,  becaws 
it  is  far  better  then  the  last  year,  but  not  knowing  your  minde,  let 
it  alone.  I  pray  yon  send  me  what  Indian  meall  yow  can  in  the 
bags  and  emti  barils,  and  what  is  in  the  bags  and  what  in  the  barils 
a  part.  Conserning  your  sheep,  thay  ar  all  aly ve,  and  though  I  have 
lost  a  great  manie  lambs  this  year,  and  never  lost  anie  before,  yet 
yours  is  a  sofitient  increas.    Thus  in  haste,  I  rest  yours  to  vce, 

Lion  Gardener. 

April,!,  5,  1652. 

If  you  have  no  store  of  Indian,  I  pray  you  speak  to  Thomas 
Stanton,  to  send  me  8  bushiles. 

Indorsed  by  John  Winthrop,  jun.,  "Leift.  Gardiner." 


LION   GARDINER.  45 


LION    GARDINER   TO   JOHN   WINTHROP,   JR. 

To  the  much  honored  Oouernor  John   Winthrope  alt  Conetticutt, 

these  dd. 

Honored  Sir, — I  haue  made  bould  to  write  vnto  you  a  line  ore  to. 
So  it  is,  that,  by  a  neybour  of  yours  it  was  propounded  unto  me  the 
sale  of  my  Hand,  but  I  hailing  children  and  children's  children,  am 
not  minded  to  sell  it  att  present;  butt  I  haue  another  plac,  (I  sup- 
pose) more  convenient  for  the  gentleman  that  would  buy,  liinge  vpon 
Long  Hand,  betweene  Huntington  &  Setokett :  onely  I  thought  good 
to  make  you  acquainted  with  it,  because  I  would  not  willingly  be  a 
means  of  bringing  any  into  these  parts,  that  would  not  like  you  and 
my  ould  freinds  in  this  riuer;  and  therefore,  if  you  &  Mr.  Willis  & 
Mr.  Allen,  Mr.  Stone,  &  other  of  my  freinds  like  nott  the  buisnes,  I 
can  yett  stop.  If  it  be  thought  he  wilbe  as  cordiall  to  you  as  I  haue 
beene  &  yet  am,  it  shal  be,  otherwise  not.  So  desiring,  when  you 
can  haue  opertunty,  to  lett  me  vnderstand  your  mind  herein.  I  rest 
Yours  in  what  duty  and  service  I  can, 

Lion  Gardener. 

His  name  is  Mr.  Daniell  Searle. 

NOVEMB.  5.  1660. 

Indorsed  by  John  Winthrop,  jun.,  "Lieft:  Gardiner  about  sale  of  land  vpon 
Long  Hand  betweene  Huntington  &  Setuket,  to  the  Governor  of  Barbados  that 
then  was,  Mr.  Serle." 


[From  the  Collections  of  tbe  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  I,  5th  Scries,  385-7] 
LION   GARDINER  TO   JOHN   WINTHROP,   JR. 

To  the  worthyly  honored  John  Winthrope,  Esquire,  Gouerner  of  the 
jurisdiction  of  Connecticut,  Hartforde,  these  prst. 

[March,  1659-60?] 

Right  worthy  &  honered  eriend,  Mb  Wintrop, — After  my 
seruice  presented,  these  few  lines  salute  yow.  These  are  to  aquaint 
your  worship  that  I  receued  your  letter  bearing  date  Desember  the 


46  PAPERS   AND   BIOGRAPHY   OF 

12,  wherin  your  worship  desired  to  know  the  ocation  of  my  stoping 
a  vesell,  seiced  by  twoe  of  Capt  Pennys  saruants  of  North  Sea,  com- 
ing to  my  Hand  vpon  ocation.  I  stopt  her,  vidz.  the  vesell,  vpon 
complant  of  my  naghbour.  John  Scot  informed  mee  they  had  taken 
his  vesell  from  of  his  own  land,  &  that  in  the  name  of  the  Kinge  of 
Portinggale,  vsing  no  other  name  when  they  seiced  her.  Vpon  this 
complant,  I  examened  &  found  it  acording  to  my  naghbours  inform- 
ation, for  these  tow  men,  vidz.  Grigis  &  Hause,  owned  they  had 
neither  commission  nor  coppie  about  them  to  act  by,  but  sayd  it 
was  in  one  of  ther  chests,  vidz.  Grigis,  abord  a  ship  with  his  name 
in  it,  from  the  Portiilggal  imbasadore,  which  was  ther  master,  & 
that  they  toke  her  one  ther  owne  acount,  &  had  noe  relation  to  anny 
other,  &  that  they  would  bring  their  commission  within  ten  days  or 
forfit  2  hundred  ponds  &  set  free  the  vesell  &  goods,  pay  all  just 
damages  to  the  ownere  of  the  vesell  &  the  owner  of  the  goods,  if 
they  brought  not  ther  commision  acording  to  ther  time  aboue  men- 
tioned. Then  I  gaue  them  20  days  time  more  then  thay  desiared,  & 
this  they  did  frely.  without  any  compulsion,  &  thay  weare  noe  pris- 
oners one  my  Ilande,  but  had  giuen  pasage  with  what  help  I  could 
aford  them  to  Long  Hand  by  a  conoue,  &  thay  were  bound  joyntly 
&  seuerely,  &  one  of  the  parties  returnd  again  to  the  ship  to  Oyster- 
bay,  12  days  before  ther  bond  was  out,  which  is  not  aboue  70  miles 
distant  from  Sowthampton  or  North  Sea,  to  which  place  thaye  in- 
gaged  to  haue  theyr  Portinggale  commission,  &  proue  her  pris  by 
ther  commision,  or  set  her  free  &  neuer  lay  claim  to  her;  but  they 
cam  not  acording  to  couenant  by  7  days,  &  when  they  cam  brought 
noe  commision  with  them,  &  then  cam  &  demanded  the  vesell  that  I 
had  taken  from  them,  as  they  were  Capt  Pennys  seruants.  My 
answer  was,  I  never  heard  the  name  of  Capt  Penny  ore  the  state  of 
England.  Soon  after  this  ther  com  one  George  Lee,  with  a  letter  of 
aturney  from  Cap'  Penny,  &  commenced  an  action  against  mee,  hiv- 
ing to  my  carge  damege  to  the  valie  of  500  ponds.  The  Court  saw 
cause  not  to  meddle  with  the  bisines,  but  bound  mee  ouer  to  Hart- 
forde  to  your  worships  for  trial,  &  to  apear  the  17th  of  March,  1659- 
Vpon  the  fourfetour  of  2  hundred  ponds  to  George  Lee,  I  being  de- 
fectiue  by  my  not  apearinge  acording  to  time,  and  hee  was  ingaged 
in  the  sam  sum  set,  he  not  apearing.    The  17th  of  this  instant,  John 


LION   GARDINER.  47 

Scot  being  their,  hee  tendered  his  bond  or  staning  security  to  answer 
for  George  Lee,  but  that  would  not  satisfye.  I  prefered  to  bee  bound 
for  him  my  self,  but  nothinge  would  satesfy  but  I  was  the  man  they 
amed  at.  Thus  am  I  wronged  by  being  exposed  to  a  great  danger, 
in  regard  of  my  age  &  great  weaknes,  &  inforsed  to  com  ouer  in  such 
a  boat  as  by  seamen,  inhabitants  of  Saybrook,  whoe  serened  the 
vesell,  promised  they  would  not  haue  crosed  the  Sound  in  her,  as  I 
had  don,  for  all  my  estate.  Thus  is  your  pour  seruant  abused  for 
doeing  an  act  of  justes.  Thus  with  my  serues  to  you  &  your  wif 
remembered,  I  rest 

Your  asured  louing  freind  to  command  to  my  power, 

Lion  Gardener. 


BIOGRAPHY. 


The  battles,. sieges,  fortunes,  I  have  passed.— Shakespeare. 


BIOGRAPHY. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  FAMILY  NAME. 

To  find  out  the  true  ortglnall  of  surnames  is  full  of  difflcultie.— Camden. 

The  name  Gardiner  (1)  may  be  derived  from  two  Saxon  words, 
gar,  signifying  a  weapon,  dart,  javelin,  arms ;  and  dyn,  signifying  a 
sound,  noise,  alarm.  Thus,  Ed-gar  signifies  a  happy  weapon,  liter- 
ally the  peaceable ;  Ethel-gar  signifies  a  noble  weapon,  literally  the 
magnanimous;  Gar-far,  a  martial  way,  that  is  a  military  appear- 
ance; Gar-field,  a  martial  place,  that  is  a  military  encampment; 
Gar-dyn,  a  martial  sound,  that  is  a  clashing  of  arms.  The  words 
Gar  and  dyn,  with  the  English  termination  er,  denoting  the  inhabi- 
tant of  a  place,  make  Gar-dyn-er.  By  an  easy  and  natural  transi- 
tion of  the  y  in  dyn  to  i,  it  makes  Gardiner. 

Again,  the  name  may  be  derived  from  the  same  roots  as  Gair- 
din,  which,  in  the  Gaelic  language,  signifies  an  inclosed  place,  a 
beacon  hill ;  from  Gair,  an  out-cry,  and  din,  a  hill,  literally  a  fortifi- 
cation. Add  to  Gairdin  the  termination  er  and  it  makes  Gairdin-er. 
The  English  pronounciation  of  Gairdiner  would  soon  lead  to  drop- 
ping the  i  in  the  first  syllable,  which  would  make  it  Gardiner. 

Again,  the  name  may  be  derived  from  an  occupation,  the  keeper 
of  a  garden,  as    Garden-er,   which  subsequently  may  have  been 

(1)  The  materials  for  tills  chapter  liave  been  mostly  drawn  from  *lAn  Etymological  Dictionary  of  Family 
Names."  by  William  Arthur,  M.  A.  His  eldest  son  Chester  A.  Arthur,  President  of  the  United  States,  con- 
tributed the  Introductory  Essay,  showing  rare  literary  ability,  and  a  marked  degree  of  research  and  ingenu- 
ity, interspersed  with  humor,  yet  his  name  does  not  appear  in  the  work,  being  at  the  time  of  its  publication 
a  young  lawyer  in  the  city  of  New  York.  It  is  pertinent  to  our  subject  to  remark  that  the  first  law  firm 
formed  by  young  Arthur  was  Messrs.  Arthur  &  Gardiner,  which  was  continued  until  dissolved  by  the  death 
of  his  partner,  Mr.  Henry  D.  Gardiner,  who  was  a  descendant  of  Liou  Gardiner.— C.  C.  G. 


52  PAPERS   AND   BIOGRAPHY   OF 

changed  from  Gardener  to  Gardiner,  that  the  occupation  and  the 
name  of  a  person  might  be  the  more  readily  distinguished.  (1) 

Camden's  Remaines,  printed  at  London,  161£,  relates  that  a  book 
had  been  written  against  Stephen  Gardiner,  Bishop  of  Winchester, 
by  a  brother  prelate,  in  which  the  supposed  origin  of  Gardiner's 
name  was  sneeringly  alluded  to ;  "  at  which  time,"  Camden  says, 
"  wise  was  the  man  who  told  my  Lord  Bishop  that  his  name  was  not 
Gardener,  as  the  English  pronounce  it,  but  Gardiner,  with  the  French 
accent,  and  therefore  a  gentleman? 

(1)  The  name  Gardiner,  Gardener  and  Gardner  can  be  traced  to  a  very  early  period  in  England. 
Emigrants  of  the  name  came  to  New  England  with  the  earliest  Puritans.  The  Mayflower  brought  one.  and 
others  came  a  decade  before  Lion  Gardiner.  It  cannot  be  ascertained  that  any  of  the  early  arrivals  were 
related  by  the  ties  of  consanguinity.  The  popular  belief  that  the  spelllug  of  a  family  name  indicates 
relationship  Is  not  well  founded.  Only  authenticated  records  can  be  relied  upon  to  make  proof  of  pedi- 
grees — 0.  C.  G. 


Fac   simile  of  Signature  and  Seal.— From  the  Collections  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical 
Society,  Vol.  VII,  4th  Series,  Appendix. 


Fac  simile  of  ^ignatuve  and  ileal. 

Attached  to  letter  dated  Saybrooke,  November  t!tli.  MM 


c 


Hhraldio  Description;  Pelican  Vulning  Herself. 


LION  GARDINER,  1599"1663. 


TA/s    Je*.J    hsjls    firoha.£/y    Sarrorved    -from 
T"Ao/nAS    P&M ',  >v4o    hr&s    cl    Surp^eon. 
/'or   tAe    er&rr/'son    a.-{    \>  ayhrooM    Ford. 
TAe  fe Merest /«    a.  /le-JiPA/i.     /£zra.A  23.  Gj-rd/ner.. 


THE  PELICAN  IN  HERALDRY. 

C.  C.  G. 

llEiiAi.Ditv. — Thfl  Pelican  when  represented  in  profile  she  is  "vulning  herself,"  and  when  in 
full  face  on  her  nest  feeding  her  voung,  she  is  "in  licr  piety."— Encyclopedia  BrUarmtca,  Vol.  XI, 
p.  701. 

The  Pelican  is  always  represented  with  her  wings  endorsed,  neck  emhowed,  and  picking  her 
breast,  from  which  issue  drops  of  blood. — Encyclopedia  of  Heraldry ,  by  John  Burke,  p.  XXII. 

The  young  Pelican  is  fed  by  the  regurgitated  food  of  its  mother;  hence  arose  the  poetic  idea 
of  the  ancients;  that  she  nourished  her  voung  with  her  blood.—  The  American  Cyclopedia,  Vol.  VIII. 
p.  236. 


LION   GARDINER.  55 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  FAMILY  ARMS. 

Every  man  of  the  children  of  Israel  shall  pitch  by  his  own  standard, 
■with  the  ensign  of  their  father's  house.— Numbers  II,  2. 

The  use  of  particular  symbols  by  nations,  families  and  individ- 
uals is  very  ancient.  Heraldry  is  purely  a  feudal  institution,  and 
had  its  origin  in  the  necessity  of  adopting  some  device  to  distin- 
guish persons  concealed  in  armor  in  battles  and  at  tournaments, 
which  was  gradually  elaborated  during  the  Crusades.  The  Nor- 
mans introduced  it  into  England.  As  a  system,  bound  by  certain 
rules  and  forms,  with  technical  nomenclature,  it  can  be  traced  to  the 
thirteenth  century,  when  arms  began  to  be  displayed,  on  coins, 
monumental  brasses  and  tombs,  and  in  architectural  decorations, 
and  on  shields  and  surcoats.  From  their  use  on  garments  is  derived 
the  phrase  "  coat  of  arms." 

FRONTISPIECE. 

Arms— Argent  a  chevron  between  three  buglehorns  stringed  gules. 
Crest— An  arm  in  armor  hand  grasping  the  broken  shaft  of  a  lance. 

Our  frontispiece  represents  a  coat  of  arms  which  indicates  great 
antiquity  to  the  family  bearing  them.  The  form  of  the  shield  and 
the  drapery  surrounding  it  have  no  heraldic  significance.  The 
Helmet  shows  the  rank,  and  the  emblems  depicted  on  the  Shield 
together  with  the  figure  representing  the  Crest,  constitute  the  armo- 
rial insignia.  The  CJievron  is  one  of  the  honorable  "  ordinaries  "  in 
heraldry,  adopted  from  the  bow  of  the  ancient  war  saddle,  which 
rose  high  in  front.  The  Bugleliom  is  one  of  the  important  "charges" 
in  heraldry. 

The  word  bugle  is  derived  from  the  Latin  buculus,  signifying 
an  ox.  The  first  bugles  were  probably  formed  from  ox  horns,  and 
were  brought  into  use  by  shepherds  to  call  their  flocks,  by  hunters. 


56  PAPERS   AND   BIOGRAPHY   OF 

to  wind  in  the  chase,  and  by  warriors  to  signal  for  battle.  The 
Crest  was  introduced  subsequent  to  the  first  bearing  of  arms,  and 
the  ornament  selected  for  it  usually  had  reference  to  the  act  for 
which  the  honor  was  conferred.  The  arm  is  frequently  employed  as 
a  figure  of  strength.  A  Crest  represented  by  "an  arm  in  armor 
hand  grasping  the  broken  shaft  of  a  lance,"  indicates  that  it  was 
worn  by  a  warrior  of  great  power,  who  was  skilled  in  the  use  of  the 
lance,  and  famed  for  disarming  Ids  opponent. 

THE   FATHERS'   AVERSION   TO   TITLES   AND   ARMS. 

The  Fathers  of  New  England  established  a  government  on  the 
basis  of  equality,  and  consequently  were  averse  to  recognizing  dis- 
tinctions of  rank  and  hereditary  titles  and  the  appendages  to  them, 
including  coats  of  arms  which  were  looked  upon  as  the  finery  of 
princes  and  bauble  of  the  gentry ;  as  impracticable,  yet  harmless 
things.  Their  aversion  to  rank  and  titles  was  transmitted  to  suc- 
ceeding generations,  and  ultimately  found  expression  in  the  text  of 
our  national  constitution,  which  declares  that  no  title  of  nobility 
shall  be  granted,  and  no  person  holding  an  office  shall  accept  of  a 
title  from  any  foreign  state.  Their  repugnance  to  coats  of  arms 
does  not  appear  to  have  been  of  a  very  pronounced  character,  prob- 
ably because  there  were  but  few  in  the  country,  and  none  were 
ostentatiously  displayed. 

Disuse,  neglect  and  lapse  of  time  have  made  it  difficult  to  trace 
some  of  those  which  have  been  preserved  to  an  undoubted  ancestor 
who  rightfully  bore  them. 

LION   GARDINER'S   FAMILY   ARMS. 

It  is  believed  that  Lion  Gardiner  was  descended  from  a  family 
that  had  a  coat  of  arms.  The  ground  for  this  belief  rests  upon 
undoubted  proof  that  he  was  a  gentleman,  as  the  term  was  applied 
to  those  having  coats  of  arms  and  of  the  middle  rank  in  England ; 
and,  furthermore,  upon  the  fact  that  his  descendants  have  been  in 


LION  GARDINER. 


57 


possession  of  a  coat  of  arms  for  many  generations,  bearing  the 
tradition  that  they  were  our  Gardiner  Arms. 

There  is*  no  evidence  showing  that  arms  were  ever  borne  by 
Lion  Gardiner,  nor  by  his  son  David  Gardiner.  Only  a  bible  is 
claimed  to  have  been  handed  down  from  Lion,  and  absolutely  noth- 
ing is  known  to  have  come  down  from  David. 

EARLIEST   KNOWN-   DISPLAYS   OF   OUR   GARDINER   ARMS. 

The  earliest  known  display  of  our  Gardiner  Arms  were  those 
placed  on  the  tombstone  of  John  Gardiner,  the  eldest  grandson  of 
Lion,  and  third  proprietor.  (1)  That  tombstone  was  erected  in  the 
old  burying  ground  at  New  London,  Ct.,  where  it  remains  in  a  fair 
state  of  preservation.  It  consists  of  a  plain  brown  stone  slab, 
placed  horizontally  over  the  grave,  and  supported  on  stone  pillars. 
Near  the  head  of  the  slab  there  is  a  square  piece  of  new  slate-stone, 
imbedded  and  cemented  in  the  top,  on  which  is  graven  a  strange 
coat  of  arms.     Then  follows  the  inscription.  (2) 

(1)  The  arms  displayed  on  this  tomb,  at  that  time,  were  unquestionably  our  Gardiner  Arms,  for  no  other 
arms  were  knoy  a  m  the  family  liniil  a  later  period.  This  John  Gardiner's  Will  provides  that  he  "shall  be 
decently  buried,  at  the  discretion  of  Ml  executors."  who  were  Nathaniel  Huntting.  Jr..  and  William  Hedges, 
Jr.,  bothot  Fast  Hampton.  I..  I.  As  he  died  suddenly  at  New  London,  the  probability  is  that  the  place  of  his 
interment  and  tile  tomb,  inscription  and  arms  were  agreed  upon  by  the  executors  and* the  testator  s  family.— 

C    C    G 
(2)   ARMS  OX  OLD  SLATE-STONE,    WITH   INSCRIPTION.         ARMS  ON  NEW  SLATE-STONE,   WITH  INSCRIPTION! 


HERE  I.YETH  BLKIED  YE  BODY  OK  HIS  EXCELLENCY 
JOHN  GARDINER,  THIRD  LORD  OF  YE  ISLE  OF 
WIGHT.  HE  WAS  BORN  APRIL  19TH,  1661,  AND 
DEPARTED  THIS  LIFE  JUNE   25TII,   1738. 


1 1 1 . 1  ■•  1 :  I.YETII  111  'HIED  YE  IIODY  OF  II I  -  EXCELLENCY 
JOHN  GAKIUNKI!.  THIRD  LOHD  OF  YE  ISLE  OF 
WIGHT.  IIK  WAS  HORN  APRIL  lyTH,  1661,  AND 
DEPARTED  THIS  LIFE  JUNE  25TII,   1738. 


58  PAPERS   AND  BIOGRAPHY   OF 

At  New  London  there  is  a  well  authenticated  tradition  concern- 
ing this  tombstone,  which  runs  this  wise :  "  When  first  erected  there 
was  a  piece  of  slate  imbedded  in  the  slab,  occupying  the  same  space 
which  is  now  filled  by  the  new  slate,  on  which  was  graven  the 
Gardiner  Arms.  Some  time  prior  to  the  present  century  the  old 
piece  of  slate  was  ruthlessly  taken  out  and  carried  away,  and  the 
vacant  space  was  not  occupied  till  filled  by  the  new  slate  very 
recently."  It  is  not  known  who  removed  the  old  slate,  but,  unques- 
tionably, kinsmen  (?)  directed  the  putting  in  of  the  new  slate. 

At  New  London,  Mrs.  Coit,  nee  Brainard,  wife  of  Hon.  Robert 
Coit,  (1)  has  in  her  possession  the  original  Will  of  John  Gardiner, 
third  proprietor.  Also  a  very  old  representation  of  our  Gardiner 
Arms,  painted  in  water  colors  on  parchment ;  showing  a  shield  em- 
blazoned with  the  arms  which  with  helmet,  crest  and  mantlings 
are  done  with  the  proper  metals  and  colors  ;  and  the  heraldic  descrip- 
tion written  underneath  the  shield,  thus:  "He  beareth  argent  a 
chevron  gules  between  three  bnglehorns  stringed  sable."  The  whole 
fabric  being  inclosed,  under  glass,  in  a  gilded  frame  14  by  18  inches, 
which  hangs  squarely  against  the  wall.  Mrs.  Coit  has  a  number  of 
very  old  looking  prints  of  the  same  arms  taken  on  paper  from  copper- 
plate, which  have  the  name  John  Gardiner  engraved,  in  script, 
underneath  the  shield. 

The  Will,  and  the  painted  arms,  and  the  printed  arms  were  all 
received  by  Mrs.  Coit  from  her  great  aunt,  Mary  Gardiner,  b.  1769, 
d.  1858,  who  never  married,  and  who  was  a  daughter  of  John  Gardi- 
ner, the  only  son  of  Jonathan  Gardiner,  one  of  the  sons  of  John 
Gardiner,  third  proprietor. 

The  tradition  concerning  the  painted  arms  is   that  they  have 

(1)  Mr.  Robt.  Coit  graduated  at  Yale  College,  and  Is  a  lawyer,  and  has  been  Mayor  of  New  London, 
Judge  Of  Probata,  Member  of  the  House  and  of  the  Senate  In  the  Legislature  of  Connecticut,  and  is  one  ol  the 
best  known  and  influential  citizens  of  New  London,  now  in  his  fifty-fourth  year.  His  great  grandmother,  on 
his  father's  side,  was  Mary  Gardiner,  b.  1744,  d.  1824.  a  daughter  of  David  Gardiner,  who  was  a  son  «t  I>a\id 
Gardiner,  fourth  proprietor  She  married  Thomas  Coit,  M.  D.,  b.  1723,  d.  1811.  Mrs.  Robt.  Colt's  great 
grandmother,  on  her  father's  side,  was  Sarah  Gardiner,  a  daughter  of  John  Gardiner,  who  was  the  only  son 
of  Jonathan  Gardiner,  a  sou  of  John  Gardiner,  third  proprietor.  She  married  Judge  Jeremiah  Gates  Brain- 
ard b  1700  (I  1830  a  distinguished  citizen  of  New  London.  Mrs.  Colt's  father  was  a  brother  ol  Connecticut  s 
highly  gifted  poet,  John  Gardiner  Coit  Brainard,  b.  1796,  d.  1828,  who  departed  this  life  far  too  soon  lor  his 
own  fame. 


LION   GARDINER.  59 

been  handed  down  many  generations ;  from  a  period  so  remote  that 
the  name  of  the  ancestor  who  bore  them  is  not  remembered.  It  has 
been  the  custom  to  speak  of  these  painted  arms  as  the  original 
arms,  implying  thereby  that  they  were  the  first  of  our  arms  known 
in  this  country,  and  from  which  copies  had  been  taken. 

At  the  Gardiner's  Island  residence,  Mr.  J.  Lyon  Gardiner, 
twelfth  proprietor,  (1)  has  in  his  possession  our  Gardiner  Anns 
embroidered  on  black  satin,  showing  a  shield  emblazoned  with  the 
arms,  which,  with  the  helmet,  crest  and  mantlings,  are  worked  in 
the  proper  metals  and  colors.  The  material  representing  the  face 
of  the  shield  is  silvered  thread,  while  that  representing  the  chevron 
and  buglehorns  is  black  sewing  silk;  the  helmet  is  made  of  golden 
thread  on  a  light  blue  silk  field,  and  the  crest  is  of  light  blue  and 
white  silk,  except  the  staff,  which  is  of  silvered  thread.  The 
whole  fabric  being  inclosed  under  glass  in  a  mahogany  and  gilt 
lozenge-shaped  frame,  23  by  23  inches  square,  which  hangs  against 
the  wall,  over  the  parlor  mantel.  The  island  tradition  (2)  is 
that  this  piece  of  needlework  was  executed  by  a  daughter  of 
David  Gardiner,  fourth  proprietor,  while  she  was  attending  school 
in  Boston.  The  fourth  proprietor  had  three  daughters,  and  the  ad- 
vanced school  age  of  either  of  them  occurred  after  1730.  Also,  a 
number  of  small  prints,  of  the  same  arms,  taken  on  paper  from 
copper-plate,  which  were  engraved  and  printed  under  the  direction 
of  John  Lyon  Gardiner,  seventh  proprietor,  and  by  him  pasted  on 
the  front  covers  of  the  books  in  his  library.  These  prints  are  a 
near  fac  simile  of  the  prints  in  the  possession  of  Mrs.   Coit,  at 

(1)  Mr.  J.  Lyon  Gardiner,  twelfth  proprietor,  purchased  the  island  of  his  brother,  Mr.  David  J., 
late  eleventh  proprietor,  who  acquired  it  hy  the  will  of  his  father,  the  late  Samuel  B.,  tenth  proprietor.  A 
Notice  of  Gardiner'!  Island  will  be  found  in  the  succeeding  chapter.— O.  O.  G. 

(2)  On  a  visit  to  Gardiner's  Island.  August  !>th  and  10th.  1855,  I  met  Mrs.  Gardiner,  widow  of  .John 
Lyon,  seventh  proprietor,  tlieu  ill  her  scventv-fourth  vcar.  and  her  sons  Mr.  John  G.,  ninth  proprietor, 
and  Mr.  Samuel  B.,  and  his  daughter,  of  East  Hampton,  L.  I.  On  the  subject  of  the  embroidered  arms, 
which  then  hung  In  a  trame  over  the  parlor  mantel.  Mrs.  Gardiner  related  the  tradition:  that  the  work  was 
executed  by  a  daughter  of  the  fourth  proprietor  while  attending  school  In  Boston;  her  education  cost 
more  than  the  value  of  the  cattle  oil  Ihe  island;  she  was  accomplished  and  attractive,  but  she  disregarded 
the  wishes  ol  her  parents  by  marrying  the  son  of  a  poor  minister.  It  is  known  that  the  fourth  proprietor 
had  a  daughter  named  Mary  who  married  Samuel,  the  son  of  Rev.  Nathaniel  Unfitting  of  East  Hampton. 
Ii.  I.;  and,  it  may  be,  that  she  was  the  accomplished  maiden  who  embroidered  the  honored  heir-loom,  and 
married  a  husband  of  her  own  choice  — C.  C.  G. 


60 


PAPERS    AND    BIOGRAPHY    OF 


New  London.  Also,  within  the  family  burying  ground,  the  same 
arms,  graven  on  the  tombstones  of  the  fifth,  sixth  and  seventh 
proprietors.  (1) 

At  Middletown,  Ct.,  Rev.  Thos.  W.  Coit,  D.  D.,  (2)  has  in  his  pos- 


(1)  Within  the  family  burying  ground  at  Gardi- 
ner's Island  there  are  four  tombstones  which  have 
inscriptions  with  arms  graven  on  them,  namely: 

FOURTH  PROPRIETOR. 

IX<(  RIPTfON  AND  ASMS  on  a  brown  stone 
SLAB. 


FIFTH  PROPRIETOR. 

INSCRIPTION  AND  CRKST  ON  A  BROWN  STONE  SLAB 


here  lies  interred  the  remains  of  david 
gardiner,  esq.,  of  the  ile  of  wight,  who 
departed  this  life  jfly  4,  1751,  in  the  6ist 
year  of  his  age. 

Note. 

The  heraldic  reading  of  the  above  arms  are  very 
like  the  arms  of  Richard  Gardiner,  D.  D.,  third 
Canon  of  Christ  Church,  Oxford,  who  died  Decem- 
ber 20,  1170,  aged  79,  which  read  thus:  Sable  a 
chevron  between  two  griffins  heads  erased  in  chief 
and  a  cross  patee  in  basse  or.  Vide  Wood's  Athena' 
Oxonienses,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  69'J. 

The  distinguished  Canon  who  bore  these  arms 
was  born  In  Hereford,  Herefordshire,  and  his 
remains  are  buried  in  Christ  Church  Cathedral, 
Oxford,  where  there  is  a  Latin  epitaph  reciting 
his  many  virtues.  Was  he  a  relative  of  Lion 
Gardiner?    There  is  no  proof,— C.  C.  G. 


IN  MEMORY  OF  JOHN  GARDINER,  ESQ..  OF  THE  ILE 
OF  WIGHT,  WHO  DEPARTED  THIS  LIFE  MAY  THE 
19TII,  A.  D.  1764,  IN  T11E50TH  YEAR  OF  HIS  AGE. 

SIXTH  PROPRIETOR. 

I  N-«   KIPTION  AND  CREST  ON  A  BROWN  STONE  SLAB. 


HERE  LIES  TUB  BODY  OF  DAVID  GARDI  NKR.  ESQ .  . 
OF  THE  ILE  OF  WIGHT,  WHO  DEPARTED  THIS 
LIFE  SEPTEMBER  8TH,  1774,  IN  THE  36TI1  YEAR  OF 

ma  age. 

SEVENTH  PROPRIETOR. 

INSCRIPTION  AND   CREST  ON    A    'TlIITM   MARBLE 
MONUMENT. 


READER, 
BENEATH  THIS  MARBLE  ARE  DEPOSITED  THE 
REMAINS  OF  JOHN  L.  GARDINER.  ESQ  ,  THE 
SEVENTH  PROPRIETOR  OF  GARDINER'S  ISLAND. 
HORN.  NOVEMBER  STH,  1770.  DIED.  NOVEMBER 
22ND,  1816. 


(2)  Thomas  Winthrop  Coit,  an  American  clergvinan  of  the  Episcopal  Church.  Born  in  New  London, 
Ct.,  dune  28.  1803.  Graduated  at  Yale  College  in  1831,  Entered  the  ministry  in  18^7.  Was  President  of  Transyl- 
vania University.  Lexington,  Ky.,  in  1834.  Since  1854  has  been  processor  in  Berkley  Divinity  School, 
Middletown.  Ct.  Dr.  Coit  ranks  among  the  foremost  of  living  scholars  in  the  Episcopal  Church,  and  is  the 
author  of  several  works  in  defense  of  ils  doctrines  and  position  —[The  American  Cyclopedia,  A  ol.  V.  p.  33. 


LION   GARDINER.  61 

session  our  Gardiner  Arms  quartered  with  the  Coit  Arms,  embroidered 
on  black  satin ;  the  Gardiner  Arms  occupying  the  dexter  chief  and 
sinister  base ;  the  shield,  showing  the  quartered  arms,  crest,  mant- 
lings  and  motto,  worked  in  the  proper  metals  and  colors ;  the  whole 
fabric  being  inclosed  in  a  lozenge-shaped  frame,  22  by  22  inches 
square,  which  hangs  against  the  wall.  The  Crest  belongs  to  the 
Gardiner  Arms,  and  the  Motto,  Virtus  sola  nobilitas,  to  the  Coit  Arms. 
Dr.  Coit  states  that  these  arms  were  the  handwork  of  his  grand- 
mother, Mary  Gardiner,  b.  1744,  d.  1824,  the  wife  of  Thos.  Coit,  M.  D., 
b.  1725,  d.  1811,  and  a  daughter  of  David  Gardiner,  one  of  the  sons 
of  David  Gardiner,  fourth  proprietor.  The  work  was  executed  when 
his  grandmother  was  quite  young,  and  he  has  a  clear  recollection  of 
seeing  the  arms  when  a  child,  during  the  lifetime  of  his  grandmother, 
while  in  the  possession  of  his  uncle,  Jonathan  Coit,  and  still  later  in 
the  possession  of  his  unmarried  sister,  Mary  G.  Coit,  from  whose 
effects  he  procured  them  by  purchase. 

THE   EDITOR'S   CONCLUSIONS. 

Our  first  inquiry  will  be  directed  to  the  evidence  introduced  into 
this  chapter  bearing  respectively  upon  the  two  different  representa- 
tions of  arms  shown. 

First,  The  Arms  which  read,  "  Sable  a  chevron  between  two 
griffins  heads  erased  in  chief  and  a  cross  form£e  in  base  or,"  are  dis- 
plajred  on  the  tombstone  of  David  Gardiner,  fourth  proprietor,  at 
Gardiner's  Island ;  and  now  on  the  tombstone  of  John  Gardiner, 
third  proprietor,  at  New  London.  These  arms  bear  no  tradition  and 
have  no  record,  and  no  one  has  ever  been  able  to  explain  why  they 
were  placed  on  the  tomb  of  a  descendant  of  Lion  Gardiner. 

Second,  The  Arms  which  read,  "Argent  a  chevron  between  three 
buglehorns  stringed  gules.  Crest,  an  arm  in  armor  hand  grasping  the 
broken  shaft  of  a  lance,"  are  those  which  were  at  first  displayed  on  the 
tombstone  of  John  Gardiner,  third  proprietor,  at  New  London ;  and 
on   the  painted  and  printed  representations  in  the  possession  of 


62  PAPERS   AND   BIOGRAPHY   OF 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Coit  at  New  London;  and  on  the  embroidered  and 
printed  representations  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  J.  Lyon  Gardiner, 
twelfth  proprietor,  at  Gardiner's  Island ;  and  on  the  tombstones  of 
the  fifth,  sixth  and  seventh  proprietors,  at  Gardiner's  Island ;  and  on 
the  embroidered  representation  in  the  possession  of  Dr.  Coit,  at 
Middletown.  These  arms  bear  with  them  many  concurring  tradi- 
tions of  the  most  authentic  character. (1) 

In  our  opinion  the  most  ancient  of  the  several  representations 
of  arms,  referred  to  in  this  chapter,  are  the  painted  and  the  printed 
displays  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Coit  at  New  London, 
which,  we  think,  were  once  the  property  of  John  Gardiner,  third 
proprietor.  This  belief  is  founded  partly  on  conjectures  and 
partly  on  the  fact  that  the  displays,  themselves,  appear  to  be  of 
great  age ;  but  chiefly  because  the  Will  of  the  said  John  Gardiner 
and  the  Arms  mentioned  have  been  handed  down  together,  as 
companion  pieces,  so  to  speak. 

The  next  oldest  display  are  the  embroidered  arms  at  Gardiner's 
Island ;  and  the  next,  the  embroidered  arms  at  Middletown  ;  and 
the  last,  the  prints  taken  from  copper-plate,  which  were  executed 
under  the  direction  of  John  Lyon  Gardiner,  seventh  proprietor,  as 
our  Gardiner  Arms.  Our  frontispiece  is  a  fac  simile  of  one  of  those 
prints.  (2) 

The  Encyclopedia  of  Heraldry,  Or  General  Armory'  of  Eng- 
land, Scotland  and  Ireland,  by  John  Burke,  contains  a  registry 
of  armorial  bearings  from  the  earliest  time.  In  this  work  the 
name  Gardiner  has  twenty-three  separate  and  distinct  registra- 
tions ;    the    name    Gardener  has  eight ;   the    name    Gardner   has 

(O  The  representations  of  anus,  particularly  referred  to  In  tins  chapter  as  onr  Gardiner  Arms,  are 
all  exactly  alike  in  what  may  he  termed  essentials;  that  is  to  say,  they  show  the  same  emblems  on  the 
shield  and  the  same  ornament  for  tile  crest.  In  the  tinctures,  a  term  applied  to  metals,  colors  and  furs  in 
heraldry,  there  are  slight  variations— only  however  in  the  colors  of  the  chevron  and  huglehorns.  These 
differences  are  iiardlv  worth  noticing;  yet  may  be  stated.  The  New  London  painted  and  printed  arms 
show  the  chevron  tallies  and  the  huglehorns  sable;  the  Gardiner's  Island  printed  arms,  from  which  our 
frontispiece  was  taken,  show  both  the  chevron  and  huglehorns  gules:  while  the  Gardiner's  Island  em- 
broidered anus,  somewhat  changed  by  age,  show  both  tile  chevron  and  huglehorns  sable;  the  Middletown 
embroidered  arms,  considerably  faded,"  show  both  the  chevron  and  huglehorns  sable.—  0.  0.  G. 

(2)  On  mv  visit  to  Gardiner's  Island.  Mr.  Samuel  B.  Gardiner  presented  to  me  one  of  the  small  prints 
of  arms  that  were  executed  hv  the  direction  of  his  father,  which  I  still  possess.  The  fact  thai  John  [.yon, 
seventh  proprietor,  ordered  a  copper-plate  engraving  representing  our  Gardiner  Arms,  shows  very  point- 
edly that  he  took  no  notice  of  the  graven  symbols  on  the  tomb  of  the  fourth  proprietor.— C  C.  G. 


LION   GARDINER.  63 

twenty-two ;  the  name  Oardenar  lias  one ;  the  name  Gardinor 
lias  one.  Total,  fifty-live.  The  description  of  our  Gardiner  Arms 
is  not  like  either  of  the  above  fifty-five  registrations.  Several 
of  them  have  the  chevron  between  three  buglehorns  stringed, 
some  with  and  some  without  crests,  but  our  distinctive  crest  does 
not  appear.  Though  our  Gardiner  Arms  were  identical  with  a 
registry  at  the  College  of  Arms,  it  would  still  be  difficult  to 
claim  them,  by  right  of  inheritance,  without  first  establishing  a 
pedigree   from   an   undoubted   ancestor,   who  bore  them. 

In  our  country,  when  it  is  ascertained  that  a  coat  of  arms 
cannot  be  found  in  the  registers  of  heralds,  the  defect  is  not 
considered  as  necessarity  fatal  to  their  legitimacy,  provided  there 
is  proof  to  show  they  have  been  perpetuated,  by  the  family 
claiming  tliem,  from  a  remote  period. 

Our  old  families  usually  hold  these  ancient  ensigns  as  heir- 
looms, like  old  furniture,  paintings,  plate,  books  and  other  relics 
of  the  household,  rather  than  as  badges  boastful  of  ancestral  pride. 

lion  Gardiner's  signature  and  a  seal. 

Personal  seals  were  used  before  and  after  the  introduction  of 
armorial  bearings  in  England.  (1)  Very  probably  Lion  Gardiner  had 
a  private  seal  which  he  used  for  stamping  letters  and  instruments 
in  writing,  as  was  customary  with  gentlemen.  He  may  have  used 
the  crest  of  his  family  arms  for  a  seal  ?  There  is  a  fac  simile  of  his 
signature  and  of  a  seal  attached  to  a  certain  letter  of  his,  dated  at 
Saybrooke,  November  6th,  1636,  addressed  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr., 
which  can  be  found  in  the  Appendix  of  Vol.  VII,  Fourth  Series 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Collections ;  and  upon  a  leaf 
fronting  the  first  page  of  this  chapter.  Unfortunately  there  is  no 
proof  showing  that  this  particular  seal  was  the  property  of  Lion 
Gardiner.      The  mere  fact  that  an  impression  of    it  was  found 

(1)  The  old  common  law  definition  of  a  seal  is  that  given  bv  Lord  Coke:   Sigillum  est  cera   iuipressa 
—"A  seal  is  an  impres&lou  in  wax.'"— C.  C.  G. 


64  PAPERS   AND   BIOGRAPHY   OF 

stamped  in  wax  on  one  of  his  letters  does  not  establish  any  own- 
ership. Within  the  Appendix  of  the  volume  mentioned,  as  con- 
taining the  fac  simile  of  his  signature  and  seal,  there  are  fourteen 
other  signatures,  of  his  contemporaries,  which  show  two  different 
seals  to  each  name ;  also  three  other  signatures  which  show  three 
different  seals  to  each  name ;  and  two  other  signatures  which  show 
the  same  seal  to  each  name ;  and  many  signatures  without  seals. 
Therefore  the  presumption  that  either  of  the  writers,  of  signatures 
referred  to,  stamped  their  letters  with  their  own  seals,  cannot  be 
sustained  without  extraneous  proof. 


♦  Lt.  Ho. 


Lt.  Ho. 


ARDINERS 


MONTA.UK 
PT. 


LION   GARDINER.  67 

CHAPTER  III. 
BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCH  OF  LION   GARDINER. 

Wo  would  speak  first  of  the  Puritans,  the  most  remarkable  body  of  men.  perhaps,  whieh  the  world  ha£ 
ever  produced.  *  *  *  Those  who  aroused  the  people  to  resistance— who  directed  their  measures 
through  a  long  series  of  eventful  years— who  formed,  out  of  the  most  unpromising  materials,  the  finest  army 
that  Europe.had  ever  seen— who  trampled  down  king,  church  and  aristocracy— who  in  the  short  Intervals  of 
domestic  sedition  and  rebellion,  made  the  name  of  England  terrible  to  every  nation  on  the  face  of  the  earth, 
were  no  fanatics.  *  *  *  If  they  were  unacquainted  with  the  works  of  philosophers  and  poets,  they 
were  deeply  read  in  the  oracles  of  God.  If  their  names  were  not  found  in  the  registers  of  heralds,  they  felt 
assured  that  they  were  recorded  in  the  Book  of  Life.  If  their  steps  were  not  accompanied  by  a  splendid  train 
of  menials,  legions  of  ministering  angels  had  charge  over  them:  their  diiidonis  crowns  of  glory  which  should 
never  fade  away  —Loud  Macaulay. 

I. — FOUNDERS  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

The  Founders  of  New  England  belonged  to  that  party  of  sturdy 
Englishmen  which,  early  in  the  seventeenth  century,  distinguished 
itself  by  great  pertinacity  and  courage  in  its  repeated  efforts  in  behalf 
of  constitutional  government  and  religious  freedom.  They  were  called 
Puritans.  The  first  Puritan  emigrants  to  New  England  embarked 
from  Holland.  They  were  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  of  the  Plymouth 
Colony.  The  second  company  of  Puritan  emigrants,  called  "  the 
great  emigration,"  sailed  from  England,  led  by  John  Winthrop,  the 
elder,  and  his  associates  of  the  Massachusetts  Company.  Closely 
following  the  Winthrop  fleet,  came  Roger  Williams,  John  Daven- 
port, Henry  Vane,  Hugh  Peters,  John  Winthrop,  the  younger,  on  his 
second  voyage,  and  many  others  equally  distinguished. 

The  earliest  English  soldier  emigrant  was  Miles  Standish,  the 
valiant  Captain  of  Plymouth.  Later  on  came  John  Endicott,  Israel 
Stoughton,  John  Mason,  John  Underbill,  Edward  Gibbons,  Simon 
Willard,  Robert  Seeley  and  Lion  Gardiner,  all  of  whom  participated 
in  the  early  Indian  wars  in  Connecticut. 

These,  with  others,  penetrated  the  wilderness,  repelled  the  sav- 
ages, formed  the  settlements,  gathered  the  churches,  kept  the  schools, 
made  their  own  laws  and  governed  themselves.  They  were  the 
founders  of  New  England. 


68  PAPERS   AND   BIOGRAPHY   OF 

The  subject  of  this  sketch  was  highly  favored.  He  lived  in  one 
of  the  grand  epochs  of  modern  times — that  which  witnessed  the  rise 
of  the  Republic  in  Holland,  the  establishment  of  the  Commonwealth 
in  England  and  the  colonization  of  the  Puritans  in  New  England,  all 
links  of  one  chain.  (1) 

II. — LION   GARDINER. 

Lion  Gardiner  was  a  native  of  England.  (2)  He  was  a  gentleman, 
without  title,  of  the  middle  rank  between  the  nobility  and  yeomanry. 
His  nativity  is  well  authenticated,  but  his  ancestry  is  not  known, 
never  having  been  successfully  traced.  (3) 

He  was  born  in  the  days  of  Good  Queen  Bess,  and  he  attained 
his  majority  during  the  reign  of  the  first  English  Sovereign  of  the 
unfortunate  House  of  Stuart,  in  the  same  year  which  witnessed  the 
embarkation  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  for  New  England.  At  that  time 
the  implacable  differences  between  the  Established  Anglican  Church 
and  the  Protestant  Dissenters  deeply  agitated  England.  Compre- 
hending the  gravity  of  affairs  he  was  not  content  to  be  a  mere  spec- 
tator. In  the  struggle  between  the  King  and  Parliament  he  adhered 
to  the  Parliament  party,  and  was  a  Dissenter  and  a  friend  of  the 
Puritans.  It  is  probable  that  he  was  a  younger  son  and  went  abroad 
early  in  life.  Young  and  ambitious,  his  heart  was  set  upon  deeds  of 
adventure ;  and,  following  the  footsteps  of  many  of  his  countrymen, 
he  volunteered  to  maintain  the  republican  standard  in  Holland. 

England  had  been  the  ally  of  Holland  in  its  greatest  dangers. 

(1)  Motley's  Rise  of  the  Dutch  Republic,  Vol.  I, p.  It. 

(2)  Oue  annotatur  calls  Lion  Gardiner  a  native  of  Scotland.  Vide  Mass.  Hist.  Colt.  VII,  4th  series,  52, 
note.  The  statement  is  not  sustained  by  proof.  In  1686  David,  son  of  Lion  Gardiner,  in  a  petition  to  Gov. 
Dongan  ot  New  York,  mentions  his  father  as  the  first  Englishman  that  had  settled  In  that  Province.  Family 
tradition  claims  him  as  a  native  of  England.  Should  there  remain  any  doubt  as  to  his  nativity,  his  manuscript 
writings  will  settle  the  question.  If  his  mother  tongue  was  Scotch,  it  Is  nowhere  shown  In  his  words  and 
phrases.     Undoubtedly,  therefore,  he  was  of  English  descent.— C.  C.  G. 

(3)  One  writer  states  that  East  Hampton,  L.  I.,  was  first  called  Maidstone  because  Lion  Gardiner  and 
others  came  from  Maidstone.  County  of  Kent,  England,  (a)  Another  writer  states  that  some  of  the  first  settlers 
of  East  Hampton  came  from  Stansted.  County  of  Kent,  and  possibly  some  may  have  come  from  Maidstone.  (I) 
The  late  James  Savage  of  Boston,  while  on  a  visit  to  England  in  1842,  stated  In  his  "  Gleanings  "  :  '•  Sir  Thos. 
C.  Bauks.  author  of  Dormant  and  Extinct  Baronetcies  of  England  wrote  me:  •  I  suspect  the  family  of  Gardi- 
ner of  Gardiner's  Island  to  be  the  representatives  of  Mr.  Gardiner  who  married  one  of  the  co-heiresses  of  the 
Barony,  the  most  ancient  Barony  of  Fitz  Walter,  now  under  claim  before  the  House  of  Lords  by  Sir  H. 
Brooke  Bridges.  Bart.'  Fitz  Walter  was  General  of  the  Barons'  army  which  obtained  the  Magna  Charta  of 
King  John."— Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  VIII,  3rd  series,  310.  All  of  the  foregoing,  it  will  be  observed,  are  mere 
conjectures.  Distinguished  antiquarians  and  kinsmen,  visiting  England,  have  frequently  searched  among 
the  repositories  of  counties  and  parishes,  and  consulted  registers  of  heralds  without  any  success  whatever  — 

(o)  Thompson's  His.  L.  I.,  I,  296. 

(i)  J.  L.  Gardiner,  Notes  on  East  Hampton,  Vide  Doc.  His.  N.  Y.,  I.  679. 


LION   GARDINER.  69 

Robert,  Earl  of  Leicester,  commanded  the  English  forces  there  under 
Queen  Elizabeth.  English  regiments  had  for  a  long  period  garri- 
soned some  of  its  towns.  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax,  of  the  Scottish  peer- 
age, served  there  under  the  command  of  Lord  Vere,  in  the  reign  of 
Charles  the  First ;  and,  about  that  time,  young  Gardiner  appeared 
with  the  same  forces,  a  Lieutenant. 

III. — MILITARY   SERVICE  IN   HOLLAND. 

The  years  rolled  on!  A  change  and  new  honors  awaited  the 
young  Lieutenant.  "In  1635,"  Gardiner's  own  account  states, (1)  he 
was  "  an  engineer  and  master  of  works  of  fortification  in  the  legers 
of  the  Piince  of  Orange  in  the  Low  Countries."  While  there,  certain 
eminent  Puritans  acting  for  a  company  of  Lords  and  Gentlemen  in 
England,  approached  him  with  an  offer  to  go  to  New  England  and 
construct  works  of  fortification  and  command  them.  The  offer  was 
accepted,  through  the  "persuasions"  of  Hugh  Peters,  pastor  of  a 
church  of  English  exiles  at  Rotterdam,  and  John  Davenport,  a  dis- 
senting minister  from  London,  and  "  some  other  well-affected  Eng- 
lishmen of  Rotterdam." 

He  contracted  with  the  company  "  for  £100  per  annum  for  four 
years,"  and  himself  and  family  were  to  be  furnished  transportation 
and  subsistence  to  the  place  of  his  destination ;  and  he  was  to  serve 
the  company  "  only "  in  the  "  drawing,  ordering  and  making  of  a 
city,  towns  or  forts  of  defence,"  under  the  immediate  direction  of 
John  Winthrop,  the  younger. 

About  the  time  he  entered  into  this  engagement,  he  was  married 
to  Miss  Mary  "Wilemson  of  Woerdon,  Holland. 

IV. — EMBARKS  FOR  NEW  ENGLAND. 

"  On  the  tenth  day  of  July,  1635,"  Gardiner  and  his  wife  left  Woer- 
don, Holland,  bound  for  New  England  via  London.  They  took  pas- 
sage in  the  bark  Bachelor,  probably,  at  Rotterdam 

(1)  Vide  His  Relation  of  the  Pequot  Wars.    Supra,  p.  14  et  seq.    The  same  paper  should  be  consulted  for 
all  quotations  in  this  Chapter,  not  credited.— C  C.  U. 


70  PAPERS   AND   BIOGRAPHY   OF 

In  the  Custom  House  at  London,  under  date  of  August  11th, 
1635,  there  is  recorded  the  arrival  of  the  Bachelor,  with  Gardiner  and 
his  wife  and  their  maid  and  one  other  person,  as  passengers,  "who 
are  to  pass  to  New  England."  (1) 

Under  date  of  London,  August  16th,  1685,  Edward  Hopkins, 
agent  for  forwarding  certain  ships  with  supplies  to  the  "Connecticut 
plantation"  in  New  England,  addressed  a  letter  to  John  Winthrop, 
the  younger,  then  on  his  way  to  New  England,  informing  him  that  he 
had  just  cleared  the  "North  Sea  Boatt" — meaning  the  Bachelor — for 
New  England.  The  passengers  mentioned  are  Gardiner  and  his  wife 
and  their  maid  and  his  workmaster;  the  cargo  is  stated  by  item, 
and  the  master,  together  with  the  crew,  are  individually  named.  The 
passengers  and  crew  numbered  twelve  persons.  A  postscript  states 
that  the  Bachelor  got  off  to  sea  at  Gravesend  August  18th,  1635.  (2) 

V. — ARRIVAL    AT   BOSTON. 

Governor  Winthrop  of  Massachusetts,  who  kept  a  journal  of  the 
transactions  in  the  colony,  under  the  date  of  November  28th,  1635, 
mentions  the  arrival  of  a  small  bark  sent  over  by  Lord  Say  and 
others,  with  "Gardiner  an  expert  engineer"  and  provisions  of  all 
sorts  to  begin  a  fort  at  the  mouth  of  Connecticut  River.  (3) 

Gardiner  remained  for  some  little  time  in  Boston.     The  winter 

(1)  Extract  from  MS.  volume  in  folio  at  the  Augmentation  Office  where  Rev.  Joseph  Hunter  one  of  the 
Record  Commissioners  presides  in  Rolls  Court.  Westminster  Hall,  which  contains  the  names  of  pficsous  to  em- 
bark at  the  Port  of  Loudon  after  Christinas  1634  to  the  same  period  in  the  foil  owing  5  ear:  "  P.  85.  11  Augti.  In 
the  Batcheler  de  Lo.  Master,  Tho:  Webb  vs  New  England.  Lyon  Gardner  36  vers  &  his  wile  Mary  34  yers  & 
Eliza  Colet  23  vers  their  maid  servant  &  Wm  J  ope  40  yers  who  are  to  pass  to  New  England  have  brought  fte.  £e. 
Ac.  "Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  VI II,  3rd  series,  271.  The  conclusion  of  i  lie  foregoing  record,  If  written  out  in  full,  would 
probablv  read,  after  the  words  "  have  brought,"  certificates  from  justice  of  the  peace  and  minister  of  the 
parish  of  *  *  *  *  of  conformity:  the  men  have  taken  the  oath  of  supremacy  and  allegiance,  and 
are  not  subsidies.  As  Gardiner  had  been  abroad  some  years,  and  his  wife  a  foreigner,  it  is  probable  they 
brought  with  them  certificates,  from  a  Calvinistic  church  111  Holland,  which  was  the  national  religion  of  that 
Country,  protected  bv  the  English  Government,  then  at  the  head  of  the  Protectant  Interest  in  Europe.  The 
English  Government  persecuted  Presbyterians  at  home,  but  extended  a  powerful  protection  to  their  churches 
abroad  at  that  time.— C.  C.  G. 

(2)  Extract  of  a  letter  from  Edward  Hopkins  to  John  Winthrop.  Jr.,  dated:  "  London  the  16th  of  August 
1635.  Per  the  Shlpp  Batcheler.  whom  God  preserve:  Mr.  John  Winthrop,  Sir:  *  *  *  I  have  now 
cleared  of  from  hence  the  North  SeaBoatt  *  *  *  It  was  nott  easy  here  to  get  any  att  this  tyme  to  goe 
in  soe  small  a  vessell.  •  •  *  The  master  is  able  enough  but  savours  nott  godlinesse.  *  *  * 
Serieaut  Gardener  and  Win.  Job  his  workemaster  with  the  Serieaiifs  wlefe  and  his  inayd  came  over  in  this 
barque  "— i.  e.  over  from  Holland  to  Loudon— C.  C.  G    (?)         *  *         "They  are  all  to  be  at  the  Com- 

£ anies  charge  for  matter  of  diett.    The  Serieaut  hath  receaved  of  me  beforehand  towards  Ids  first  year's  wages 
)t.  sterlinge,  &  Wm  Job  hath  receaved  \5l..  the  master  also  of  the  barque  hath  receaved  8/."       *       *       * 
Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  VI,  4th  series,  325. 

(3)  Wlnthrop's  Journal  says:  "Nov.  2S,  1635.  Here  arrived  a  small  Norsey  bark  of  twenty-five  tons 
sent  bv  Lords  Say  Ac.,  with  one  Gardiuer  an  expert  engineer  or  work  base  and  provisions  of  all  sorts  to 
begin  a  fort  at  the  mouth  of  Connecticut.  She  came  through  many  great  tempests;  vet,  through  the  Lord's 
great  providence,  her  passengers  twelve  men  and  two  women,  and  goods  all  safe."—  Win tlirop  His.  N .  E.,  I, 
173.  The  "Norsey  bark,"  which  for  a  long  period  puzzled  Winthrop's  anuotators,  was  the  "North  Sea 
Boatt  "  Batcheler,  referred  to  in  Edward  Hopkins1  letter  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.    Vide  Note  (2)— C.  C.  G. 


LION   GARDINER.  71 

had  set  in  unusually  early  and  was  very  severe,  and,  it  is  probable, 
that  was  the  cause  of  his  detention. 

The  authorities  of  Boston  improved  the  opportunity  of  Gardi- 
ner's being  there  by  engaging  him  to  complete  the  fortifications  on 
Fort  Hill.  At  a  town  meeting  held  January  23rd,  1636,  it  was 
"  agreed  yt  for  ye  raysing  of  a  new  worke  of  fortification  vpon  ye 
ffort  hill,  about  yt  which  is  there  alreaddy  begune,  the  whole  towne 
bestowe  fourtee'ne  dayes  worke "  a  man.  Commissioners  were 
chosen,  and  a  treasurer,  and  a  "clarke";  and  the  work  was  to  be 
commenced  as  soon  as  the  weather  would  permit,  for  "  ye  engineere, 
Mr.  Lyon  Garner,  who  doth  so  freely  offer  his  help  therevnto,  hath 
but  a  short  time  to  stay."(l) 

About  the  same  time,  the  "  Magistrates  of  the  Bay "  desired 
Gardiner  to  visit  Salem,  and  "  see  how  fit  it  was  for  fortification." 
He  did  so,  and  upon  his  return  told  them  he  thought  the  people  were 
more  in  danger  of  starvation  than  of  any  "  foreign  potent  enemy," 
and  to  defer  works  of  that  kind  for  the  present.  His  own  account  of 
the  affair  concludes  thus  :  "And  they  all  liked  my  saying  well." 

Early  in  the  spring  Gardiner  and  his  family  continued  their 
journey.  The  good  ship  Bachelor  which  had  carried  them  safely 
from  Holland  to  England  and  across  the  Atlantic  was  now  to  bear 
them  to  their  destination. 

VI. — THE   CONNECTICUT   RIVER. 

The  valley  of  the  Connecticut  was  early  the  object  of  acquisi- 
tion. Its  fertility,  picturesque  beauty  and  mild  temperature  attracted 
many  from  the  seaboard  settlements.  To  the  Puritan  emigrants  it 
was  the  promised  land.  Four  English  plantations  were  commenced 
upon  the  river  in  the  year  1635.  A  party  from  Watertown  settled  at 
Wethersfield ;  another  party  from  Dorchester  settled  at  Windsor; 
and  another  party  from  Cambridge  settled  at  Hartford. 

(1)  NOTE.— In  the  margin  oi*  the  town  records  are  arranged  in  a  column  the  following  names,  and  against 
each  is  set  £5;  viz.:  Bellingham,  Vane,  Winthrop,  sen.,  Coddington,  Winthrop,  juu.,  Kayue,  Hutchinson, 
Cogau,  Leverett.  and  Harding.— S.  G  Drake's  HlB.  and  Ant.  of  Boston,  188-89.  « 


72  PAPERS   AND   BIOGRAPHY   OF 

The  fourth  settlement  was  begun  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  early 
in  the  month  of  November  by  a  party  of  twenty  men  sent  out  by  a 
bark  from  Boston  under  the  direction  of  John  Winthrop,  the  younger, 
who  had  recently  returned  from  England  (1)  with  a  commission  from 
the  proprietaries  of  the  territory  at  the  mouth  of  the  Connecticut  to 
be  Governor  of  the  river  and  harbors  and  adjacent  places  for  one 
year.  Winthrop's  commission  instructed  him  to  repair  to  the 
month  of  the  Connecticut  with  all  convenient  speed  and  to  provide 
at  least  fifty  men  to  work  at  fortification  and  to  build  houses.  First 
they  were  to  erect  houses  for  their  own  accommodation,  after  which 
they  were  ordered  to  constructothers  for  "  men  of  qualitie  "  which 
should  be  "within  ye  fort"  The  original  projectors  of  this  scheme 
of  emigration  were  distinguished  Lords  and  Gentlemen  in  England 
who  had  become  thoroughly  disgusted  with  the  arbitrary  govern- 
ment of  Charles. the  First.  The  names  subscribed  to  Winthrop's 
commission,  which  was  an  agreement  made  in  their  "  own  names  " 
and  for  the  "  rest  of  ye  company,"  are  the  following :  Lord  Say  and 
Seale,  Sir  Arthur  Haslerigge,  Sir  Richard  Saltonstall,  Henry  Lawrence, 
George  Fenwick  and  Henry  Darley  Esq's.  (2)  It  is  known  that  Lord 
Brooke  and  Sir  Matthew  Boynton  belonged  to  the  company  ;  and 
Henry  Vane,  the  younger,  and  Hugh  Peters  and  others  were  active 
agents.  There  is  little  doubt  but  some  of  their  number  contemplated 
removing  to  the  new  plantation.  (3)     It  is  more  than  probable  that 

(1)  Winthrop's  Journal  says:  '*  Oct.  6.  1635.  There  came  also  .John  "Winthrop,  the  younger,  with  com- 
mission from  the  Lord  Say.  Lord  Brooke  and  divers  other  great  persons  in  England  to  begin  a  plantation  at 
Connecticut  and  to  be  governor  there.  They  scut  also  men  and  ammunition  and  £2,01)0  in  moucy  to  begin  a 
fortification  at  the  mouth  of  the  River. '"—Winthrop's  His.  N.  E.,  I,  170. 

(2)  Vide  "Agreement  of  the  Seabrook  Company  with  John  Winthrop,  Jr."— Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  I,  5th 
series,  482. 

(3)  The  following  extracts  of  letters  addressed  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  by  the  parties  named,  will  show 
something  of  their  intent  and  interest  in  the  Connecticut  plantation  at  Savbrooke: 

"Sir:  *  *  *  Our  depeudauce  on  vou  is  greate.  *  *  *  Your  abilitie  to  performe  your 
vudertaklng  we  doubt  not  *  *  jS  onlv  our  request  is  that,  with  what  speede  possible  mav  be,  fltt 
houses  be  bullded."  *  *  *  Sir  A.  Heslerigge  and  Geo.  Fenwick.  Sep.  18.  1635  —Mass.  Hist.  Coll., 
VI.  4th  series.  361. 

"Sir:  *  *  *  I  pray  you  advertise  me  what course  I  shall  take  for  providluge  a  house  agaiust  my 
comlngeover,  where  I  mav  remaiiie  with  mv  tfamilie  till  I  can  be  better  provided  to  settle  myself  and  lett  me 
have  vour  beat  assistance.''    Sir  Matt.  Boynton.     Feb.  23.  1636— Mass    Hist.  Coll.,  VII,  4th  series.  164. 

'•'Sir:  *  *  *  We  are  neremtory  for  Connecticutt.  it  being,  as  you  know,  and  so  coulinuiuge  the 
loyute  resolution  of  vs  all,  that  nothing  but  a  playne  impossibility  could  divert  us  from  that  place  *  *  * 
the  time  of  your  goiuge  up,  wheh  wee  assuredly  expect,  shall' he  this  winter  *  *  *  a  third  is,  yt 
t..i!iii,-ations*and  some  convenient  bulldingcs  for  the  receipt  of  gentlemen  may  go  liaude  in  hande,  for  there 
are  like  to  come  more  over  next  summer  *  *  *  than  vou  are  yet  aware  of. "  *  *  *  He: 
Lawrence.    Sep.  22,  1635.— Mass.  Hist.  Cpll. ,  I,  5th  series,  215. 

"Sir:  *  *  *  Sent  you  sorn  servants,  but  not  so  many  as  we  proposed.  *  *  *  Lord 
Brooke  likewise,  that  vndertooke  for  XX  tye  failed  and  sent  vs  not  one.  Our  geutlemens  minds  remaine 
the  same  and  are  lna  way  of  selling  off  tlieir  estates  with  the  greatest  expedition."  *  *  *  Philip  Nye. 
Sep.  21.  1635.— Mass.  Hist.  Coll..  I,  5th  series,  213. 


LION   GARDINER.  73 

Lord  Say  and  Seale,  Sir  Arthur  Haslerigge,  Sir  Matthew  Boynton  and 
Mr.  Henry  Lawrence  intended  to  come.  One  authority  declares  that 
Lord  Say  and  Lord  Brooke  were  early  in  consultation  with  Hamp- 
den the  kinsman  of  Cromwell.  Without  doubt  Hampden  deemed  it 
prudent,  at  one  time,  to  leave  England ;  and,  it  is  said,  the  two 
cousins,  Hampden  and  Cromwell,  actually  took  passage  in  a  vessel 
which  lay  in  the  Thames  bound  for  North  America,  when  a  royal 
order  prohibited  the  ship  from  sailing.  Seven  other  ships  filled  with 
emigrants  were  stopped  at  the  same  time.  (1)  "  Hampden  and 
Cromwell  remained,  and  with  them  remained  the  Evil  (renins  of 
the  House  of  Stuart."  (2) 

VII. — SAYBR00KE   FORT. 

Winthrop's  advance  party,  consisting  of  Lieutenant  Gibbons, 
Sergeant  Willard,  with  some  carpenters,  took  possession  of  a  point 
of  land  upon  the  west  bank  of  the  river,  near  its  mouth,  where  there 
was  an  excellent  harbor,  and  began  to  fell  trees  and  make  a  clearing, 
late  in  November,  1635.  Very  little  progress  was  made  towards  a 
settlement  during  the  ensuing  winter.  Probably  a  few  log  houses 
were  put  up  of  the  most  primitive  character. 

The  Bachelor  arrived  with  Gardiner  and  family  very  early  in  the 
following  spring,  probably  in  March.  The  voyagers  having  reached 
their  destination,  were  doubtless  rejoiced  to  step  on  firm  earth,  after 
many  months  of  tediousness  and  peril  on  the  sea.  As  compared 
with  the  homes  they  had  left  what  must  have  been  their  astonishment 
at  the  view  before  them  ?  Let  us  hope  that  their  first  glances  were 
greeted  with  genial  rays  of  sunshine,  fresh  verdure  of  budding  trees, 
and  sweet  fragrance  of  early  blossoms.  The  wild  scene  doubtless 
suggested  pleasures,  yet  it  brought  them  anxieties.  A  mere  clearing 
without  habitable  abodes,  no  fields  for  planting,  and  few  laborers,  was 

(1)  This  storv  lias  been  questioned,  yet  there  is  nothing  improbable  about  It.    Hume.  Ilallani.  Vaiaulay 
and  others  relate  it.    Arguments  pro  and  con  may  be  eousulted  iu  the  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Gen.  Register,  1860- 

(2)  Lord  Macaulay's  Essay  on  John  Hampden. 

10 


74  PAPERS   AND   BIOGRAPHY   OF 

not  cheering  for  contemplation.  Gardiner's  account  of  the  place  at 
their  arrival  shows  considerable  disappointment.  He  boldly  asserts 
that  the  company  had  not  sent  forward  men  "  according  to  promise." 
At  least  three  hundred  men  were  expected ;  some  for  fortification, 
some  for  tilling  the  ground  and  others  to  build  houses ;  but,  the 
"great  expectation,'1  Gardiner  tauntingly  remarks,  came  "only  to 
two  men — Mr.  Fenwick  and  his  man."  However,  notwithstanding 
every  vexation  and  hindrance,  the  place  was  fortified  by  Gardiner 
with  the  men  and  means  at  his  command.  A  fort  was  constructed 
of  square-hewn  timber  with  ditch,  drawbridge,  portcullis,  rampart 
and  palisade.  (1)  This  was  the  first  fortification  erected  in  New 
England.  (2)  In  honor  of  Lord  Say  and  Seal  and  Lord  Brooke,  the 
fort  was  named  Saybrooke. 

The  Indians  were  more  numerous  in  this  vicinity  than  in  any 
other  part  of  New  England.  The  Pequots  occupied  both  sides  of  the 
Pequot  River — now  called  the  Thames — and  numbered  upwards  of 
seven  hundred  warriors  ;  the  Narragansetts  and  Mohegans  were  like- 
wise formidable  tribes  ;  and  all  of  them  combined  would  make  a 
powerful  enemy  for  the  English  to  contend  against,  for  at  this  time 
the  settlers  on  the  Connecticut  were  very  few  in  numbers  ;  and  in  all 
of  the  colonies  not  to  exceed  three  hundred  able  men  could  be  mus- 
tered for  duty.  The  dangers  which  threatened  the  settlements,  threat- 
ened the  fort.  Besides  hostile  Indians,  the  Butch  of  New  Netherlands 
lay  in  unfriendly  proximity.  However,  the  equanimity  of  the  com- 
mander of  the  fort  does  not  appear  to  have  been  disturbed  by  a 
knowledge  of  his  imperiled  situation.  Bisappointments  had  been 
met  and  could  still  be  borne,  and  dangers  were  to  be  expected  in  the 
possession  of  a  fortified  place. 

On  the  1st  day  of  April,  1636,  John  Winthrorj,  Jr.,  arrived  at  the 

(1)  The  following  articles  came  as  freight  in  the  Bachelor:  "  Iron  worke  for  2  drawbridges,  as  follows: 
G2  staples.  40  staple  hooks  for  portcullis.  4  chains,  10  hoults,  4  plates.  8  chaine  clasps,  4  under  hinges.  23s*  vards 
of  redd  flagg  stuffe  for  Serieant  Gardener's  vse  &  some  small  lines  that  came  trom  Holland  &  a  wheelbar- 
row."—Mass.  Hist.  Coll..  VI,  4th  series.  326. 

(2)  History  and  traditions  show  that  the  fort  was  erected  on  a  steep  eminence  which  jutted  out  into 
the  river  which  was  united  to  the  main  land  bv  a  sandy  beach  and  was  flanked  bvsalt  marshes.  The  land  side  of 
the  fort  was  protected  by  a  palisade  It  could  not  be  successfully  assailed  by  any  near  approaches  of  firm 
ground.    This  fort  was  destroyed  hy  tire  in  1647.— C.  C.  G. 


LION   GARDINER.  75 

fort.(l)  He  Drought  friendly  messages  for  Gardiner.  Sir  Richard 
Saltonstall,  of  Whitefreyers,  England,  wrote  Winthrop  :  "  Pray  you 
commend  me,  after  yourselfe,  to  your  good  wife  and  Sergieant 
Gardiner  with  his  fellow  soldier,  whom  I  purpose,  God  willing,  to 
visitt  this  summer,  if  he  will  prouide  a  house  to  recieue  me  and 
mine  att  my  landing."  (2)  Hugh  Peters,  then  at  Salem,  wrote 
Winthrop:  '"Salute  honest  Mr.  Garddner  and  the  rest." (3)  And, 
later  in  the  month,  William  Pynchon,  then  at  Roxbury,  wrote 
Winthrop:  "I  pray  you  remember  my  harty  loue  to  Mr.  Gardener 
and  the  rest  with  you."  (4)  In  the  same  month,  Winthrop,  the  elder, 
wrote  his  son:  "Therefore  I  here  end,  with  salutations  to  all  our 
friends,  Mr.  Gardiner,  and  his  wife  &c."(5)  On  May  16th,  Winthrop 
wrote  his  father  that  he  had  sent  the  Bachelor  to  Boston,  but  should 
soon  have  use  for  her.  On  May  21st,  Fenwick,  one  of  the  Saybrooke 
Company,  arrived  at  Boston  and  wrote  Winthrop,  that  his  coming 
would  not  dissolve  his  commission.  On  June  23d,  Winthrop,  the 
elder,  wrote  his  son  that  the  I^achelor  would  go  back  the  next  week ; 
and  that  Fenwick,  Peters,  and  some  others  would  set  out  on  horse- 
back expecting  to  meet  a  shallop  at  one  of  the  upper  towns  on 
the  Connecticut  to  take  them  down  to  the  fort.  (6) 

Fenwick  and  Peters  arrived  at  the  fort  early  in  July.     They  were 
bearers  of  letters  to  Winthrop — one  from  his  brother  Adam  closing 

(1)  John  Wintlirop.  Jr.,  came  on  to  Saybrooke  fort  from  Boston,  with  his  hrother  Stephen,  perhaps, 
and  a  small  party,  by  land  as  far  as  Narragansett  Bav,  where  thev  met  the  Indian  Chief  Cauouleus.  and 
from  thence  by  a  vessel.  He  writes,  in  a  letter  to  his  father,  from  "  Pasbeshauke,"  the  Indian  name  for  Say- 
brooke fort  (a.):  dated  k' April  7.  1636,"  *  *  *  "  The  first  of  this  mouth  we  sett  sayle  from  Narlganset, 
and  in  the  afternoone,  about  6  a  clocke.  arrived  heere:  for  this  place  I  have  not  yet  scene  anv  thing  that  I 
should  lie  able  to  Wright  nfit."  *  *  *  Mass  Hist.  Coll.,  VI,  4th  series,  514-15.  Wlnthrop's  commis- 
sion constituted  1dm  "Governor  of  the  river  Connecticut  *  *  *  one  whole  year  after  his  arrival 
there:"  yet  he  appears  to  have  entered  upon  ids  duties  the  previous  autumn  by  sending  men  to  locate  and 
prepare  the  place  for  settlement  and  fortification.  Here  began  an  official  acquaintance  between  Gardiucr  and 
Winthrop  which  soon  ripened  into  a  personal  friendship  that  was  continued  with  mutual  confidence  and 
fidelity  to  the  end  of  their  lives,— ('.  0.  G. 

(a  )  The  way  Ibis  Indian  name  became  known  will  be  explained  In  the  following  letter,  copied  from 
Mass.  Hist.  Society  Proceedings.  1864-65.  475. 

l*  Hartford.  Sep.  20,  1865,  Charles  Deane,  Esq.,  mydear  sir:  About  Paskekhauke,  the  place  where  John 
Winthrop,  Jr..  found  himself  on  the  7th  of  April,  1636,  and  which  neither  of  us  could  do  more  than  hazard  a 
guess  about  when  the  first  volume  of  the  '  Winthrop  Papers '  was  In  press.  1  can  now  give  you  more  exact 
information.  I  have  before  me  the  original  draft  of  a  deed  dated  '  May  3.  1639,'  by  which  •  Yovawan,  Sachem 
of  Pommanocc,  aud  Aswaw,  Sachem  his  wife/  convey  their  '  Island  called  Monchonat'to  'Lion  Gardiner 
commander  of  the  forte  called  Saybrooke  fort  als  Pashpeshatks  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  of  Kcnnectlcot.' 
*        *       «  (Signed)        J.  H.  Tiu:mblll." 

The  "  deed"  referred  to  Is  In  the  hand-writing  of  Thos.  Lechford,  a  lawyer  of  Boston  from  1637  to  1641, 
well  known  to  students  of  colonial  history,  aud  will  soou  be  published  in  the  Leehford  Record  Book  by  the 
American  Antiquarian  Society C  C  G.  Also  Vide  Infra,  p.  81,  note  (2). 

(2)  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  VI.  4th  series,  581.  (3)  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  VI,  4th  series,  93. 
(4)  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  VI,  4th  series,  370.  (5)  Wlnthrop's  Hist.  N.  E.  1,  389. 

(6)  Wlnthrop's  Hist.  N.  E.,  1,  392. 


76-  PAPERS   AND   BIOGRAPHY   OF 

thus — •"  I  pray  remember  my  loue  to  my  brother  Steven,  and  Mr. 
Gardnar  and  his  wife,  and  all  the  rest  of  my  friends; "(1)  and 
another  from  his  father,  saying  :  "  I  paid  Mr.  Garsford  of  Salem  £5 
for  a  buff-coat  for  Mr.  Gardiner,  which  you  must  remember  to  put  to 
his  account ; "  (2)  also  of  a  commission  (3)  from  the  Bay  authorities 
requesting  him  to  ask  for  a  "  solemn  meeting  of  conference  "  with 
the  Chief  Sachem  of  the  Pequots,  and  to  demand  of  him  the  mur- 
derers of  Capt.  Stone  and  others  ;  and,  in  case  the  demand  was 
refused,  to  return  the  present  (4) — a  token  of  amity — which  the 
Chief  had  sent  the  Bay  authorities  on  a  former  occasion  when  a 
demand  was  made  for  the  same  murderers.  Accordingly,  Winthrop 
sent  for  Sassacus,  and  upon  his  arrival  a  conference  was  held,  when 
the  demand  was  made  and  refused;  thereupon  the  present  was 
returned,  and  immediately  after  Fenwick  and  Peters  with  Winthrop 
departed  for  Boston.  (5)  The  return  of  the  present  was  naturally 
construed  into  a  declaration  of  war  by  the  Pequots.  Gardiner 
understood  what  would  be  its  effect,  and  had  endeavored  to  persuade 
the  Bay  authorities  against  their  hot  haste.  He  plead  for  delay  and 
a  more  lenient  policy  until  the  new  settlements  grew  stronger;  but 
his  entreaty  availed  nothing,  the  present  was  returned,  said  he  "  full 
sore  against  my  will." 

Immediately  the  Pequots  began  to  plot  against  and  irritate  the 
neighboring  settlements.  Before  the  end  of  the  month  John 
Oldham,  a  well  known  trader,  was  killed  by  the  Indians  on  Block 
Island.  The  Bay  authorities  charged  the  act  upon  the  Pequots. 
Gardiner's  account  shows  the  murder  was  committed  by  the 
Narragansetts.  The  Bay  authorities  being  undecided,  were  com- 
pelled to  do  something  to  satisfy  the  general  clamor.  "  I  wonder," 
said  Gardiner,  "  that  the  Bay  doth  no  better  revenge  the  murdering 

(1)  Maes.  Hist.  Coll.,  VIII,  5th  series,  220.  (2)  Winthrop's  Hist.  S.  E.,  1,  391. 

(3)  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Ill,  3d  series,  129. 

(4)  The  present  consisted  of  "otter  skin  coats  and  beaver  and  skeins  of  wampum. '*— C.  C.  G. 

(5)  Winthrop  did  not  return  to'the  fort.  He  had  been  there  .lust  three  months.  His  commission  to  be 
governor  of  the  place  was  such  that  he  could  throw  it  up  at  anytime.  It  is  probable  that  his  own  projects 
demanded  his  attention  elsewhere.— C.  C.  G.  ' 


LION   GARDINER.  77 

of  an  honest  man  of  their  own  ? "  Finally  it  was  settled  that  the 
Block  Island  Indians  should  be  punished.  An  expedition  was  fitted 
out,  commanded  by  Endicott,  which  first  landed  at  Block  Island, 
and  then  proceeded  to  the  fort,  "  to  my  great  grief,"  said  Gardiner, 
'•  for  you  come  hither  to  raise  these  waps  about  my  ears  and  then 
you  will  take  wing  and  flee  away."  From  thence  the  expedition 
\vnt  to  Pequot  River.  Gardiner,  thinking  there  might  be  an  oppor- 
tunity for  booty,  sent  along  his  shallop  and  another  boat  with  twelve 
men,  and  bags  to  fill  with  corn.  He  says  his  men  "  brought  a  pretty 
quantity  of  corn "  but  the  "  Bay  men  killed  not  a  man,"  only  a 
"  Sachem  of  the  Bay  killed  a  Pequot ;  "  and  that  began  the  war  "  in 
these  parts."  The  expedition  was  timid  in  action  and  unproductive 
in  results.  ■  The  authorities  of  Connecticut  and  of  Plymouth  thought 
it  ill-advised.  It  is  evident  that  the  ability  of  the  Indians  to  make 
reparation  for  offences  was  not  well  understood  by  the  settlers.  (1) 

Immediately  thereafter  the  fort  was  besieged  by  great  numbers 
of  Indians  lying  in  ambush ;  attacking  all  that  ventured  abroad ; 
killing,  and  sometimes  roasting  their  victims  alive.  A  trader  named 
Tilly  landed  on  a  point,  in  sight  of  the  fort,  and  himself  and  another 
man  carelessly  going  on  shore  were  captured  and  killed  by  the 
Indians.  Tilly  was  tortured  in  the  most  inhuman  manner.  Gardiner 
had  previously  notified  Tilly  not  to  go  ashore ;  and  was  given  "  ill 
language  "  for  his  cautionary  advice ;  so  he  called  the  place  of  Tilly's 
rashness  Tilly's  Folly,  now  known  as  Tilly's  Point.  On  the  22d  of 
February,  1637,  Gardiner  went  out  of  the  fort  with  ten  men  to  burn 
the  reeds  and  leaves  on  a  neck  of  land  near  the  marsh.  Suddenly 
a  "  great  company  of  Indians  "  came  out  of  the  woods  from  several 
directions,  while  others  sprang  from  the  "  fiery  reeds,"  and  all  com- 
menced a  furious  attack  with  their  bows  and  arrows.  Gardiner  and 
his  party  being  largely  out-numbered,  began  retreating  and  firing  ; 
but  they  were  closely  pursued;  even  "on  to  the  very  muzzles  of 

(1)  S.  G.  Drake's  Hist,  and  Aut.  of  Boston,  202. 


78  PAPERS    AND    BIOGRAPHY    OF 

their  pieces,"  so  that  at  times  they  were  compelled  to  defend  them- 
selves with  their  "  naked  swords."  Gardiner  was  hit  with  many 
arrows,  one  of  which  seriously  wounded  him  in  the  thigh.  Two  of 
his  men  were  severely  wounded,  and  four  were  shot  dead.  (1)  A  few 
days  later  the  Pequots,  thinking  they  had  killed  Gardiner  in  their 
recent  attack  upon  him,  swarmed  about  the  fort  fully  three  hun- 
dred strong.  Their  attitude  showed  they  were  bent  upon  mischief. 
Gardiner  called  for  his  "  sword,  pistols,  and  carbine,"  and  ordered 
out  a  small  party  for  a  parley.  At  first  the  Pequots  did  not  know 
Gardiner,  for,  said  they,  he  was  shot  with  many  arrows ;  and  "  so  I 
was,"  said  Gardiner,  "  but  my  buff-coat  preserved  me,  and  only  one 
hurt  me  ; "  (2)  but  when  he  spake  they  knew  his  voice,  and  began  to 
fall  back.  At  the  close  of  the  parley  he  gave  a  signal  to  his  gunner 
at  the  fort,  and  "  the  two  great  guns  went  off"  which  caused  a  "  great 
hubbub  amongst  them"  and  made  them  beat  a  speedy  retreat. 

Late  in  March,  Governor  Vane  sent  a  messenger  with  a  letter  to 
Gardiner  requesting  him  to  "  prescribe  the  best  way  to  quell  the 
Pequots."  In  his  reply,  Gardiner  "  presumed  to  send  an  arrow," 
that  had  killed  one  of  his  men,  "with  the  head  sticking  fast  half 
through  the  man's  rib-bone  " — as  a  token — because  it  was  reported 
at  the  Bay  that  Indian  arrows  had  no  force.  (3)  About  the  10th  of 
April,  Underbill  arrived  with  twenty  lusty  men  from  the  Bay.  They 
came  upon  the  requisition  of  Gardiner  and  were  to  remain  "  till 
something  should  be  done  about  the  Pequots." 

While  the  colonists  were  debating  upon  the  gravity  of  the 
situation  a  massacre  was  committed  by  the  Pequots  near  Wethers- 
field —  fourteen  men  and  women  were  killed,  and  two  maids  were 
carried  away.  (4)      The  maids  were  soon  liberated  by  some  Dutch 

(1)  Mather  savs  lliere  were  about  seventy  Indians  who  fought  Gardiner,  aud  that  they  killed  ("our  ol  his 
men  :  that  a  fifth  who  was  sorely  wounded  recovered,  and  lived  to  cut  off  the  head  of  the  very  Indian  who 
shot  him,  tlie  next  year.— S.  G.  Drake's  Hist,  and  Aut.  of  Boston,  205. 

(2)  The  English  soldiers  armor  at  that  time  was  a  steel  cap  and  corselet  with  back  and  breast  pieces  over 
buff  coats.— C.  C.  G. 

(3)  Extract  from  a  letter  of  Ed.  Winslow  of  Plymouth  to  John  Winthrop,  the  elder  :  "  Mr.  Gardner,  it 
seems,  much  discourageth  common  men  by  extalling  the  valor  of  your  adversaries,  preferring  them  before  the 
Spaniards."— Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  VI,  4th  series,  164. 

(4)  April  23,  1637. 


*  LION   GARDINER.  79 

traders  who  went  in  a  sloop  to  Peqnot  River,  and  secured  them 
by  a  resort  to  stratagem.  Gardiner  says  he  sent  the  Dutchmen 
at  his  own  cost  who  returned  the  maids  to  the  fort  almost  naked, 
whom  he  clothed  and  sent  home. 

At  a  general  court  held  at  Hartford,  (1)  it  was  voted  to  raise 
ninety  men,  and  make  an  attack  on  the  Pequots  stronghold  beyond 
Pequot  Eiver.  The  Bay  authorities,  through  the  efforts  of  Roger 
Williams,  effected  a  secret  alliance  with  Miantonomoh,  Chief  of  the 
Narragansetts ;  and  the  Connecticut  settlers  secured  Uncas,  Chief  of 
Mohegans,  who  had  rebelled  against  the  authority  of  Sassacus,  and 
naturally  attached  himself  to  the  settlers  for  protection  and  for 
revenge.  The  Pequots  now  stood  alone  and  defiant !  In  a  few  days 
Mason  with  ninety  settlers,  and  Uncas  with  eighty  warriors  dropped 
down  the  river  to  the  fort,  from  whence  the  combined  forces  were  to 
move.  To  Mason,  Gardiner  and  Underhill  was  given  full  authority 
to  fit  out  the  expedition.  Gardiner  says  "we  old  soldiers  agreed 
about  the  way."  Mason  held  the  chief  of  command.  Twenty  "  in- 
sufficient men  "  were  sent  home  and  their  places  were  filled  by  an 
equal  number  of  the  "lustiest"  at  the  fort.  The  friendship  of  Uncas 
was  satisfactorily  tested  by  a  novel  plan  proposed  by  Gardiner,  and 
a  surgeon,  and  provisions  were  supplied  by  the  fort — and  the  brave 
little  army  sailed  out  of  the  Connecticut.  (2) 

Our  subject  does  not  require  a  further  statement  of  particulars. 
Colonial  historians  have  related  the  story  of  the  encounter.  In 
one  brief  hour  the  proud  Pequots  were  nearly  exterminated  and 
the  victorious  colonists  hastened  to  their  homes.  Mason  and  about 
twenty  of  his  men  returned  across  the  country  ;  arriving  at  the  shore 
opposite  to  the  fort  at  sunset.  Gardiner  "  observed  his  approach ; 
and  never  did  the  heart  of  a  Roman  consul,  returning  in  triumph, 
swell  more  than  the  pride  of  Mason  and  his  friends,  when  they  found 
themselves  received  as  victors  ;  and  '  nobly  entertained  with  many 

(1)  May  1, 1637. 

(2)  The  attack  was  made  on  the  Pequot  fortress  at  Mlstick  on  the  morning  of  May  26th,  1637.— C.  C.G. 


80  PAPERS   AND   BIOGKAPHY   OF 

great  guns.,"(l)  On  the  following  morning  Mason  and  his  party 
crossed  the  river  and  received  "many  courtesies"  from  the  com- 
mander of  the  fort.  (2) 

The  fall  of  the  Pequots  put  an  end  to  Indian  depredations ;  and 
the  prospect  of  an  enduring  peace  brought  increased  prosperity  to 
the  river  settlements.  The  fort  was  maintained  at  its  former  strength ; 
the  commander  was  watchful,  but  a  warlike  vigilance  was  not 
required ;  he  could  now  practice .  husbandry  without  the  aid  of 
"great  guns,"  and  hold  a  parley  without  calling  for  his  "sword, 
pistols  and  carbine." 

The  Narragansetts  were  now  the  most  powerful  of  the  tribes 
in  this  .vicinity,  and  promptly  asserted  their  supremacy  by  de- 
manding tribute  from  their  neighbors.  The  Montauks  declined 
to  acknowledge  their  power,  preferring  the  friendship  of  the  set- 
tlers, and  Wyandanch,  Sachem  of  the  Montauks,  came. to  the  fort  to 
ask  for  peace  and  trade  with,  the  settlers  promising  to  pay  tribute 
in  wampum.  Gardiner  granted  his  request,  and  assured  him  of 
friendship  and  protection  so  long  as  his  tribe  kept  their  pledges  to 
the  English.  Such  was  the  situation  of  affairs  when  the  engagement 
of  Commander  Gardiner  with  the  Saybrooke  Company  expired,  which 
was  in  the  summer  of  1639. 

Lion  Gardiner's  life  and  experiences  at  Saybrooke  Fort  would 
not  be  entirely  complete  without  stating  that  his  newly  married  wife, 
with  her  maid,  was  an  occupant  of  the  fort  and  shared  with  him  its 
deprivations  and  dangers  and  bore  him  two  children,  first,  David, 
born  April  29th  1636 ;  and,  second,  Mary,  (3)  born  August  30th,  1638. 
David  was  the  first  child  born  of  English  parents  in  Connecticut. 

(1)  Bancroft's  Hist,  of  the  TJ.  S.  Vol.  I,  407. 

(2)  Vide  Mason's  History  of  the  Pequot  war Mass.  Hist.  Col!.,  VIII,  2ud  series,  120-152. 

(3)  This  daughter  married  Jeremiah  Conkllug  of  East  Hampton,  L.  I.,  ancestor  of  the  Coukling  family 
of  New  York— notably  Judge  Alfred  Coukllngand  his  sous  Hon.  Roscoe  Conklingahd  Cot.  Fred 'k  A.  Conk  ling. 


LIOX   GARDINER.  '  81 


VIII. — MANCHONACK   alias   ISLE   OF    WIGHT. 

Gardiner  early  comprehended  the  situation  of  affairs  at  Say- 
brooke  and  wrote  Winthrop,  soon  after  the  latter  departed  from  the 
fort,  saying :  "  it  seemes  wee  have  neather  masters  nor  owners  ; "  at 
the  same  time,  said  he,  ''  there  shall  be  noe  cause  to  complayne  of 
our  ffidelitie  and  endeavours  to  you  ward;"  yet,  if  not  provided  for, 
"  then  must  I  be  fforced  to  shift  as  the  Lord  may  direct."  (1) 

Notwithstanding  every  discouragement  Gardiner  remained  at  his 
post  and  fulfilled  his  contract  to  the  end ;  and,  when  "  fforced  to  shift," 
was  fortunate  in  securing  from  the  Indians  the  possession  of  a  large 
island  in  Long  Island  Sound,  called  by  them  Mamchonaek.  signifying, 
by  tradition,  "  a  place  where  many  had  died."  The  original  deed  of 
purchase  bears  date  May  3,  1639,  by  which  "  Yorawan.  Sachem  of 
Pommanocc,  and  Aswaw,  his  wife,"  convey  their  "Island  called  Man- 
chonat "  to  "Lion  Gardiner,  commander  of  the  forte  called  Saybrooke 
fort  als  Pashpeshauks,  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  of  Kennecticot."  (2) 
According  to  tradition  the  consideration  paid  was  "  one  large  black 
dog,  one  gun,  a  quantity  of  powder  and  shot,  some  rum  and  a  few 
Dutch  blankets."  (3)  Subsequently  Gardiner  procured  a  grant  of  the 
same  island,  called  by  the  English  Isle  of  Wight,  from  an  agent  of 

(1)  Vide  Supra,  pp.  35-36. 

(2)  Vide  Supra,  p.  75,  note  (a).    Also,  the  following  :-C.  C.  G. 

HAKTFOKD,  August  15,  1883. 

Mr.  C.  C.  Gardiner.  St.  Louis,  Mo.,  Dear  Sir:  I  send  you  a  copy  of  tlie  Deed  of  Gardiner's  Island. 
The  uniform  tradition  of  the  purchase  from  Waiandance  Is,  as  you  will  see,  unfounded.  Waiandance,  as 
Gardiner  mentions  iu  his  narrative,  was  a  younger  ■•  brother  of  the  old  Sachem  of  Long  Island,"  who  "  dwelt 
at  Shelter  Island, "  and  was  not,  at  the  date  of  this  deed,  himself,  Saclleiu.  Pommauoc  was  an  Indian  name 
of  Long  Island— or  rather  of  the  east  end  of  the  Island.  Yovawan.  the  old  Saehetn,  may  have  been  the  elder 
brother  of  Waiandance,  who  was  called  by  the  English,  Poggatacut.  See  Prime's  History  of  L.  I.,  p.  91. 
Yours  Truly,  (Signed)       J.  Hammond  Tuumbi'll. 

Indian  Deed  of  Gardiner's  Island:  "  Knowe  all  men  by  these  presents,  that  we  Yovawan  Sachem 
of  Pommanocc  and  Aswaw  Ills  wife  for  ten  coats  of  trading  cloath  to  us  before  the  making  hereof  payed  and 
delivered  by  Lion  Gardiner  commander  of  the  forte  called  Saybrooke  fort  als  Pashpeshauks  at  the  mouth 
of  the  River  of  Kennecticot,  doe  hereby  for  us  and  our  heirs  and  successors  grant,  bargaiue  and  sell  unto  the 
said  Lion  Gardiner  ali  that  our  Island  called  Manchonat  wtli  the  appurtenances  and  all  our  right,  title  and 
demand  of,  iu  and  to  the  same,  to  have  and  to  hold  the  said  Island  wth  the  appurtenauces  unto  the  said  Lion 
Gardiner  his  heirs  and  assigns  forever.  IN  witness  whereof  we  have  hereto  sett  our  hands  and  seales  the 
third  day  of  the  mouth,  called,  by  the  English,  May  iu  the  yeare  by  them  of  their  Lord  written  one  thousand 
six  hundred  thirty  and  nlue,  1639." 

[Signatures  and  seals  not  given  in  copy.] 

From  the  original  draft  by  Thomas  Lechford.—  J.  H.  Trumbull. 

(3)  This  tradition  is  not  well  founded,  as  will  be  seen  by  reading  the  Indian  Deed.— C.  C.  G. 

11 


82  PAPERS   AND   BIOGRAPHY   OK 

Earl  of  Stirling,  grantee  of  the  King  of  England,  (1)  bearing  date 
March  10,  1639  [o.  s.]  (2) 

He  removed  with  his  family  to  his  island  soon  after  purchasing 
it  of  the  Indians,  taking  with  him  a  number  of  men  from  the  fort  for 
farmers— forming,  it  is  said,  the  earliest  English  settlement  within 
the  present  limits  of  the  State  of  New  York.  The  island  was  then  a 
wilderness,  far  away  from  European  settlements  and  open  to  Indian 
depredations  ;  but,  without  doubt,  was  guarded  by  Gardiner's  trusted 
friend  Wyandanch,  Sachem  of  the  Montauks,  between  whom  and 
himself  there  appears  to  have  existed  a  remarkably  close  and  firm 
friendship — a  Heathen  and  Christian — that  continued  steadfast  arid 
unbroken  even  unto  death! 

In  1641,  Gardiner's  daughter  Elizabeth  was  born  on  the  14th  day 
of  September— the  first  birth  from  English  parents  in  the  Province 
of  New  York. 

In  1642,  Miantonomoh  visited  the  Montauks  and  endeavored  to 
persuade  them  to  give  wampum  to  the  Narragansetts,  and  not  to 
the  English.  Gardiner,  happening  to  be  writh  the  Montauks,  advised 
Wyandanch  not  to  give  any  answer,  but  to  ask  for  a  month's  delay 
to  consider  the  subject.  Meantime  Gardiner  wrote  of  the  matter  by 
Wyandanch  to  Gov.  Haines  at  Hartford,  who  forbade  the  Montauks 

(1)  Copy  of  Earl  of  Stirling's  Grant  to  Lion  Gardiner.—  Know  all  whom  this  present  Writing 
may  concern,  thai  I,  .lames  Farrett  Of  Long  Island,  Gent.  Deputy  to  the  Right  Hon'ble  t  he.  Earl  I  of  Starling 
Secretary  for  the  Kingdom  of  Scotland,  doe  by  these  presents,  in  the  name  and  behalt  of  the  said  Earll  of  Starling 
and  in  my  own  name  also,  as  ids  Deputy,  as  it  doth  or  may  concern  myself.  Give  &  Grant  free  leave  and  liberty 
to  Lion  Gardiner  his  heirs,  executors  and  assigns  to  enjoy  that  Island  wh'eh  he  hath  now  In  possession  called 
by  the  Indians  Uancbonaok,  by  the  English  t lie  Isle  of  Wight;  I  say  to  enjoy  both  now  &  for  ever,  which  Island 
hath  been  purchased,  before  my  coming,  from  the  ancient  Inhabitants,  the  Indians:  Nevertheless  though  tin- 
said  Lion  Gardiner  had  his  possession  first  from  the  Indians  before  my  coming,  yet  is  he  now  contented  to  hold 
the  lenor  &  title  of  the  possession  of  the  aforesaid  Island  from  the  Earll  of  Starling  or  his  successors  whomso- 
ever, who  hath  a  Grant  from  the  King  of  England,  under  the  Great  Seal  of  the  aforesaid  Kingdom.  Bee  it 
known,  therefore,  that  I,  the  said  James  Farrett  doe  give  &hath  given  free  liberty  and  power  to  the  said  Lion 
Gardiner,  his  Heirs,  Exe'rs  and  Assigns  and  their  Successors  for  ever  to  enjoy  the  possession  of  the  aforesaid 
Island,  to  build  &  plant  thereon  as  best  liketh  them,  and  to  dispose  thereof  as  they  think  fitt,  and  also  to  make, 
execute  &  put  in  practice  such  Jaws  for  Church  and  Civil  Government  as  are  according  to  God,  the  Kings  and 
the  practise  of  the  Country,  without  giving  any  account  thereof  to  any  whomsoever  and  the  aforesaid  Right  & 
title,  both  of  land  and  Government  fa  lemayne  with,  and  to  them  and  their  successors  for  ever,  without  any 
trouble  or  molestation  from  the  said  Earll  or  any  of  his  successors,  for  now  &  forever.  And  as  much  as  it  hath 
pleased  Our  Royal  King  to  give  the  Patten  of  Long  Island  to  the  aforesaid  Earle  of  Starling  in  consideration 
whereof  it  is  agreed  upon  that  the  trade  with  the  Indians  shall  remavne  with,  the  said  Earle  and  his  successors, 
to  dispose  upon  from  time  to  time  and  at  all  times  as  best  liketh  him.  Notwithstanding  [allowing]  the  said 
Lion  Gardiner  to  trade  with  the  Indyans  for  Come  or  anv  Kinde  of  victuals  for  the  use  of  the  Plantation  and 
no  farther;  and  if  the  said  Lion  Gardiner  shall  trade  In  Wampum  from  the  Indyans  hee  shall  pay  for  every 
fadome  twenty  shillings  and  also  the  said  Lion  Gardiner  and  his  successors  shall  pay  to  the  said  Earle  or  his 
deputyes  a  yearly  acknowledgment  being  the  sum  of  Five  Pounds,  (being  lawfully  demanded)  of  lawfull  money 
of  England,  or  such  commoditvs  as  at that  time  shall  pass  for  money  in  the  country:  and  the  first  payment  to 
begin  on  the  last  of  Oct.  1643,  the  three  former  yeares  being  advanced  for  the  use  of  the  said  .Tames  Farrett.  In 
witness  whereof  the  partv  has  put  his  hands  and  seal  the  tenth  day  of  March  1639  [o.  s  ] 

(Signed)       James  Farrett       (seal.) 
Sealed  and  delivered  in  the  presence  of  ffiilk  Davis,  Benjn  Price. 

(2)  According  to  New  Style,  this  date  should  be  reckoned  as  March  10,  1640. 


LION   GARDINER.  83 

giving  wampum  to  the  Narragansetts.  The  next  year,  Miantonomoh 
visited  the  Montauks,  bringing  them  gifts ;  and,  Wyandanch  being 
absent,  he  held  a  secret  consultation  with  the  old  men  of  the  tribe. 
On  Wyandanch's  return  he  was  told  of  the  secret  talk  and  carried  the 
news  to  Gardiner,  who  notified  Gov.  Eaton  at  New  Haven  and  Gov. 
Haines  at  Hartford — so  Miantonomoh's  second  attempt  failed.  After 
the  death  of  Miantonomoh,  his  successor,  Ninigret,  sent  one  of  his  chief 
men  to  the  Montauks  to  form  an  alliance  against  the  English,  and 
Wyandanch  seized  and  bound  him  and  turned  him  over  to  Gardiner, 
who  sent  him  under  guard  with  a  letter  to  Gov.  Eaton  at  New  Haven. 
Being  wind  bound  at  Shelter  Island,  he  got  away  from  the  guard  in 
the  night  and  returned  to  his  tribe.  This  was  another  of  the  plots 
of  the  Narragansetts  which  was  discovered,  and  revealed  to  the 
English,  by  the  faithful  "Wyandanch. 

Previous  to  the  Pequot  war  a  giantlike  Indian,  toward  the 
west,  killed  a  man  named  Hammond,  in  Southampton,  and  he  could 
not  be  taken  because  he  was  protected  by  Poggatacut,  Sachem  of 
Manhasset.  Afterwards  the  same  Indian  killed  another  man  named 
Farrington — yet  he  could  not  be  found.  Wyandanch  sought  out  the 
murderer  after  the  death  of  Poggatacut  and  killed  him  by  the  direc- 
tion of  Gardiner.  Then,  a  woman  was  killed,  by  some  unknown 
Indians,  and  the  magistrates  sent  for  Wyandanch  to  appear  and 
produce  the  murderers,  but  his  tribe  being  fearful  of  his  safety 
would  not  let  him  go.  Wyandanch  then  said,  "  I  will  hear  what  my 
friend  will  say" — meaning  Gardiner,  who,  being  there,  saw  the  diffi- 
culty, and  offered  himself  as  a  hostage  for  the  safe  return  of  Wyan- 
danch, and  was  accepted,  with  loud  and  joyous  shouts  of  thanks 
from  the  tribe.  That  same  night  Wyandanch  departed,  with  a  note 
from  Gardiner  saying  that  no  one  should  "  stay  him "  but  to  "  let 
him  eat  and  drink  and  be  gone,"  and  before  his  return  he  found  four 
"  consenters  "  to  the  murder,  who  were  arrested  and  afterwards  hung 
at  Hartford — one  of  whom  was  the  Blue  Sachem.  The  foregoing 
instances   are  related  to  show  that  Wyandanch  was   the  faithful 


84  PAPERS   AND  BIOGRAPHY   OF 

friend  of  the  settlers,  even  when  murders  were  committed  by  the 
Long  Island  Indians. 

In  1649,  Gardiner  became  one  of  the  original  purchasers  of  about 
30,000  acres  of  land  for  the  settlement  at  East  Hampton,  which  was 
first  called  Maidstone.  In  1650,  the  first  church  was  gathered  at  East 
Hampton.  The  same  year  Gardiner  wrote  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  about 
a  young  man,  not  named,  for  a  minister — it  may  have  been  Thomas 
James.  (1) 

In  1651,  Poggatacut,  Sachem  of  Manhasset,  died,  and  his  brother, 
Wyandanch,  succeeded  him  as  Grand  Sachem  of  Paumanacke,  as 
Long  Island  was  called  by  the  Indians. 

In  1653,  Gardiner  placed  his  island  in  the  care  of  farmers  and 
removed  with  his  family  to  East  Hampton.  (2)  His  place  of  resi- 
dence was  on  the  east  side  of  the  main  street,  toward  the  southern 
extremity  of  the  town,  nearly  opposite  to  the  old  burying  ground  in 
which  it  is  supposed  himself  and  wife  and  some  of  his  descendants 
were  buried.     The  same  place  is  now  owned  by  a  descendant. 

In  1654,  a  war  broke  out  between  the  Narragansetts  and  Mon- 
tauks.  Frequent  incursions  were  made  by  both  tribes.  On  a  certain 
raid  upon  the  Montauks,  by  Ninigret  lie  captured  the  daughter  of 
Wyandanch  on  the  night  of  her  nuptials  and  killed  her  spouse, 
and  captured  and  killed  many  others.  Through  the  exertions  of 
Gardiner  the  hapless  bride  was  redeemed  and  restored  to  her 
afflicted  parents.  In  grateful  remembrance,  "Wyandanch  presented 
his  friend  Gardiner  a  free  gift  of  land,  by  deed  bearing  date  July 
14, 1659,  comprising  the  principal  part  of  the  present  town  of  Smith- 
town,  L.  I.  (3)    In  1655,  and  likewise  in  1657,  Gardiner,  with  others, 

(1)  Vide  Supra,  p.  40. 

(2)  Joshua  Garllcke.  Benjamin  Price  and  John  Miller,  were  at  different  times  overseers  of  the  island.— 
Ch.  of  E.  Hampton. 

(3)  Office  Secretary  of  State.  Albany,  N.  Y.,  Book  of  Deeds.  Vol.  II,  p.  118.  "East-Hampton,  JulvHth, 
1659.  He  it  known  unto  all  men.  both  English  and  Indyans,  especially  the  inhabitants  of  Long  Island,  'That  I, 
"Wyandance,  Sachem  of  Paumauack,  with  mv  wife  and  Sonne  Wvankanbone,  my  only  Sonne  and  heire,  having 
deliberately  considered,  how  this  Twenty-foure  vears  wee  have  been  not  only  acquainted  with  Lyon  Gardiner, 
but  from  time  to  time  have  received  much  kindnesse  of  him,  and  from  him  not  only  by  t'ouncell  and  advice, 
in  our  prosperity,  but  in  our  great  extremity,  when  wee  were  almost  swallowed  up  of  our  enemyes,  then  wee 
say  hee  appeared  to  us,  not  only  as  a  ffriend.  but  as  affather,  in  giving  us  of  his  money  and  goods,  wherebv  wee 
defended  ourselves,  and  ransomed  my  Daughter  and  ffriends.  And  wee  say  and  know,  that  bv  his  meanes,  we 
had  great  comfort  and  reliefe,  from  the  most  Honobl  of  the  English  Nation  here  about  us,  so  that  seeingwee 
yet  live,  and  both  of  us  being  now  old,  and  not  that  we  at  any  time  have  given  him  any  thing  to  gratify-  his 


LION  GARDINER.  85 

were  appointed  a  committee  to  visit  Hartford  and  treat  with  the 
magistracy  about  placing  East  Hampton  under  the  protection  of 
Connecticut. 

In  1657,  Goody  Garlicke,  wife  of  Joshua  Garlicke  of  East  Hamp- 
ton, was  charged  with  witch-craft:  Witnesses  deposed  many  facts 
and  much  debate  arose.  Gardiner  charged  one  witness  with  fal- 
sification and  declared  the  accused  innocent.  Her  case  was  referred 
to  the  general  court  at  Hartford,  but  she  was  never  taken  there  and 
the  matter  was  not  heard  of  afterwards. 

In  1658,  Gardiner  became  one  of  the  purchasers  in  the  original 
conveyance  from  the  Indians  of  about  9,000  acres  of  land  on  Montauk 
Point.  (1)  The  grantees  guaranteed  protection  to  the  Montauks,  and 
the  latter  reserved  the  right  to  live  on  the  lands — a  right  their  pos- 
terity have  ever  since  enjoyed.  In  the  same  year  Wyandanch 
brought  a  suit  against  one  Daily,  for  damage  done  his  "  gi-eat  can- 
now,"  which  was  tried  by  three  men.  Gardiner  testified  in  the  case, 
and  the  jury  found  for  the  plaintiff  ten  shillings  damages  and  court 
charges.  (2)  In  the  same  year,  a  fatal  epidemic  spread  among  the 
Montauks  and  destroyed  more  than  half  of  the  tribe.  Wyandanch 
died,  that  year,  by  poison  secretly  administered.  Previous  to  his 
death  he  appointed  Gardiner  and  his  son  David  guardians  to  his  son 
Wyancombone,  who,  it  appears,  divided  the  government  of  his  tribe 
with  his  widowed  mother,  styled  Sunk-Squa  —  meaning  something 
like  Dowager-Queen.     Gardiner  pathetically  remarks  upon  the  death 

love,  care  and  Charge,  wee  having  left  lhat  Is  worth  his  acceptance,  hut  a  small  Tract  of  land  and  we  desire 
him  toaccept  it  forhimselfe.  his  heires,  Executors  and  Assignes  for  ever:  Nowe  that  it  may  bee  knowne  how, 
and  where  tilts  Land  lyeth  on  Long  Island,  We  say  it  lyeth  between  Huntington  and  Seatalcott  the  westerne 
Hounds  being  Cowharbour,  EasterlvAshamomuek,"  and  Southerly  crosse  ye  Island  to  the  end  of  ye  great  hollow 
or  valley  or  more  than  halfe  through  the  Island,  and  that  this  is  our  ffree  Act  and  Deed,  doth  appeare  by  our 
hand  Markesuuderwritten.  Signed,  sealed  and  delivered  in  the  presence  of  Richard  Smith,  Thomas  Chalfield, 
Thomas  Tal mage,  by  Wyandance.  his  mark.    Wyankanbone,  his  mark.    Sachem's  wife,  her  mark." 

On  the  same  page  follows  immediately  the  following  entry:  "Moreover,  I,  Wyankanbone  witli  my 
Mother  do  acknowledge  to  have  sold  to  Lvoti  Gardiner  above  named,  the  next  .iaeent  Tract  of  Laud  Easterly, 
That  is  to  say.  Nesequake  River,  and  all  the  land  both  Neck  and  Creekes,  thereunto  belonging,  and  to  ruune 
paralel  through  the  Island  with  the  other,  and  have  reed  so  much  for  it.  as  wee  demanded,  to  our  full  content, 
so  that  that  land  from  Cowharbour  to  Nesaquake  River  with  the  same  River,  belongeth  to  Lyon  Gardiner  his 
heires.  Executors  and  Assigns  forever.  Tins  done  by  us  this  6th  of  April  1660.  Witness  our  hands  Marks  A 
Seales  in  ye  puts  of  these,  wee  sav  not  only  the  Land, "but  all  yt  doth  or  shall  naturally  grow  thereon.— Thomas 
Talmage,  Thomas  Chatfield,  by  Wyankanbone,  his  mark.  His  mother,  her  mark.  Achemans,  awituesse.  n 

1  copied  the  above  from  Albany  Correspondence  in  the  Sigxal  of  Babylon,  L.  I.,  June  30,  1883.— 
C.  0.  G. 

(1)  The  purchase  was  confirmed  by  deed  August  1, 1660,  and  Feb.  11, 1661.— C.  C.  G. 

(2)  Hedges'  Two  Hundredth  Anniversary  Address.  East  Hampton,  1849. 


86  PAPERS    AND   BIOGRAPHY    OF 

of  Wyandanch,  "  my  friend  and  brother  is  gone,  who  will  now  do  the 
like?"(l)    In  the  same  year,  Gardiner  made  his  Will.  (2) 

In  1659,  Gardiner  was  prosecuted,  before  the  magistrates  of  East 
Hampton,  by  certain  English  captors  of  a  Dutch  vessel,  for  retaking 
the  Dutch  vessel  at  his  island;  damages  were  laid  at  £500.  The 
case  was  referred  to  the  general  court  at  Hartford,  but  was  never 
tried.  (3) 

In  1660,  Gardiner  wrote  his  well  known  and  often  quoted  "  Rela- 
tion of  the  Pequot  Wars."  (4) 

In  1662,  Gardiner,  with  others,  were  chosen  to  "compound  a 
difference,"  between  certain  parties,  "  about  Meantaquit." 

In  the  same  year  Gardiner's  daughter  Elizabeth,  wife  of  Arthur 
Howell,  died  leaving  a  daughter  Elizabeth. 

In  1663,  Gardiner  conveyed  his  lands  in  Smitlitown,  L.  I.,  to 
Richard  Smith  of  R.  I.,  whom  he  had  known  when  at  Saybrooke. 

In  the  latter  part  of  1663,  Gardiner  died  at  the  age  of  64.  In 
1664  his  widow  made  her  Will,  (5)  and  ear^  in  1665  she  died  at  the 
age  of  64.     Both  were  buried  at  East  Hampton. 

(1)  Vide  Supra,  p.  30. 

(2)  Will  of  Lion  Gardiner.— Be  it  known  to  all  men  by  these  presents  that  I,  Lion  Gardiner  oi 
Easthampton,  do  by  these  make  my  last  Will  and  Testament,  first  then  I  give,  bequeath  my  soul  to  God  that 
gave  it,  my  body  to  i lie  earth  from  whence  it  came,  my  estate  as  followeth.  First,  then  I  leave  my  wile,  Mary, 
whole  and  sole  executor  and  administrator  of  all  that  is,  or  mav  be  called  mine,  only  whereas,  mv  daughter, 
Elizabeth,  hath  had  ten  head  of  cattle,  so  I  will  that  mvson  David,  and  my  daughter  Mary  shall  each  of  them 
have  the  like.  As  for  my  whole  estate,  both  the  Island  and  that  i  have  ai *  Eaathamptori,  I  give  It  to  my  wife, 
that  she  may  dispose  of  it  before  her  death  as  God  shall  put  it  into  her  mind  ;  only  this  I  put  into  hermind, 
of  that,  whereas,  my  son  David  after  he  was  at  liberty  to  provide  for  himself  by  his  own  engagements,  hath 
forced  me  to  part  with  a  great  part  of  my  estate  to  save  his  credit,  so  that  at  present.  I  eaanot  give  to  mv 
daughter  and  grand-child  that  which  is  fitting  for  them  to  have,  but  I  leave  it  to  my  wife  with  the  overseers  oi 
my  will  to  give  to  each  of  them  as  God  shall  put  into  iier  mind  that  she  will,  and  dispose  of  all  as  she  will,  and 
the  cau,sc  that  moves  me  at  present  to  make  this  Will,  is  not  only  the  premises,  but  other  causes  known  to  me 
and  my  witVj,  of  whom  and  lor  whom  I  stand,  and  am  bound  to  provide  and  take  care  for  so  long  as  I  live,  so 
that  when  I  am  dead,  by  wilful  neglect  she  be  not  brought  to  poverty  which  might  be  a  cause  to  her  of  great 
grief  and  sorrow.  The  executors  of  this  my  Will,  1  desire  to  he  Mr.  Thomas  .lames,  the  Reverend  Minister  of 
the  Word  of  God  at  Easthampton,  with  John  Mulford  and  Robert  Bond,  whom  I  will  that  thev  shall  have  for 
every  day  spent  about  this  my  Will;  I  say  they  shall  have  five  shillings  for  every  day  each  of  them  and  their 
charges  borne.  But  In  case  chat  three  of  the  overseers  of  my  Will  should  not  be  then  here,  two  or  one  with 
my  wife  may  choose  others.     Witness  my  own  hand  seal  the  13th  August,  lifts. 

(Signed)  Lion  Gakdiner. 

Witness:  Thomas  James.  The  within  writing  is  a  true  copy  of  Mr.  Lion  Gardiner,  Ids  "Will  as  it  was  pro- 
duced ii  ii to  and  approved  by  the  Court  here  at  Southampton,  and  hy  the  said  Court  ordered  to  he  recorded  by 
me,  Henry  Pierson,  Register,  Will  and  inventory  of  property  recorded  in  a  book  entitled.  Town  and  Countv 
Records.  Liber  A,  page  48  and  49,  [t(>tJ3J  deposited  among  the  town  records  of  Southampton,  (Long  Island,  N.  Y.) 

(3)  Vide  Supra,  p.  46.  (4)  Vide  Supra,  p.  14.  et  seq. 

(5)  Will  of  Maky  Gardiner,  Widow  ok  Lion  Gaudinkk.— Be  it  known  unto  all  men  by  these 
presents  that  I,  Mary  Gardiner  of  Maidstone,  als  Easthampton  upon  Long  Island,  being  in  good  and  perfect 
understanding,  I  say  I  do  by  these  presents  make  my  last  W  ill  and  Testament.  I.  I  bequeath  my  soul  to  God, 
and  my  body  to  the  earth  from  whence  it  came,  and  mine  estate  as  folUrwelh:  I  give  my  Island,  called  the 
Isle  of  Wight  (alias  Mouehonock)  to  my  son  David,  wholly  to  be  his  during  his  life,  and  after  his  decease,  to 
his  next  heire  malle  begotten  by  him,  then  my  Will  is,  it  shall  succeed  to  the  heire  maile  of  mv  daughter 
Mary,  as  an  inheritance;  and  it  she  die  without  an  heire  maile.  to  succeed  to  the  heire  maile  of  my 
graud-chiid  Elizabeth,  and-  to  be  eutayled  to  the  first  helres  maile  proceeding  from  the  body  of  my 
deceased  husband,  Lion  Gardiner,  and  "me  his  wife  Mary,  from  time  to  lime,  forever.  Never  to  be  sold 
from  them  hut  to  be  a  continuous  inheritance  to  the  heires  of  me  and  my  husband  forever;  but  If  iu  future  time 
the  heires  maile  shall  be  extinct,  then  to  succeed  to  the  females  in  an  equall  division  as  shall  be  found  most 


LION   GARDINER.  87 

Thus  passed  from  earth  one  of  the  prominent  figures  in  the  early 
colonial  history  of  New  England. 

Lion  Gardiner  was  singularly  modest;  firm  in  his  friendships; 
"patient  of  toil;  serene  amidst  alarms;  inflexible  in  faith  "  —  and 
he  "  died  in  a  good  old  age,  an  old  man  and  full  of  years." 

Just  and  equall  for  the  dividing  the  said  Island.  II.  I  give  to  my  daughter  Mary,  my  whole  accommodations 
at  Easthaniptoii  or  Maidstone  with  all  the  bousing  and  privileges  appertaining  to  the  same.  III.  1  give  the 
one-halfe  of  mv  stock,  viz..  neat  kinde,  horse  kinde  and  sheepe,  the  one-halfe  1  say  I  give  to  my  daughter 
Mary  to  be  divided  equally  by  mv  overseers  of  this  mv  Testament.  IV.  I  give  the  one-hall'e  of  all  my  house- 
hold goods  to  my  daughter  Mary',  to  be  divided  hv  my  overseers  in  equall  parts.  V.  I  give  the  other  halfe  of 
my  stock  to  my  grand-child,  both  that  which  is  at  the  Island  or  elsewhere,  to  be  divided  as  aloresald.  VI.  I 
give  the  other  halfe  of  mv  household  goods  to  my  grand-child  Elizabeth,  to  be  divided  as  aforesaid,  but  with 
this  proviso,  I  give  mv  stock  and  household  goods,  the  one  part  as  aforesaid  to  my  grand-childe  Elizabeth;  if 
God  be  pleased  to  continue  her  to  the  age  of  fifteen  years,  then  to  be  delivered  to  her  by  mine  executors  whom 
I  appoint  to  be  mv  sou  David.  A  just  account  being  taken  by  my  overseers  both  of  the  stock  and  household 
goods  after  mv  decease:  Hut  if  she,  my  said  grand-childe  die  before  the  age  of  fifteen  yeares,  or  before  shee  be 
niaryed,  then  the  aforesaid  stock  and  *oods  shall  be  equally  divided,  and  the  one  part  my  SOD  David  shall 
have,  and  the  other  my  daughter  Mary  or  their  lieires.  I  will  also  that  if  my  son  David  please  he  shall  have 
the  keeping  of  the  stock  and  goods,  till  my  foresaid  grande-ehilde  come  to  the  age  aforesaid,  he  giving  suf- 
ficient securltv  to  the  overseers  of  this  my  Will  and  Testament,  both  of  the  cattle  and  goods  fall  to  the  share 
of  mv  said  grande-ehilde.  But  if  my  son'  David  shall  refuse  this,  then  my  son-iu-law  to  have  the  refusal,  but 
if  both  refuse,  then  my  Will  Is,  that  my  overseers  take  the  best  way  they  can  for  the  security  of  the  said 
estate  bequeathed  by  me  to  mv  grande-ehilde  Elizabeth.  The  overseers  of  this  my  Will  and  Testament  I 
desire  to  be  Mr.  Thomas  James.  Minister  of  the  Word  of  God,  and  Mr.  John  Mulford.  Mr  Robert  Bond,  all  of 
Easthampton.  And  what  time  they  shall  spend  within  here  on  the  Island,  about  this  my  Will.  I  allow  them 
the  same  as  formerly  my  husband  Lion  deceased,  in  his  last  Will  and  Testament  hath  appointed  them;  but  if 
any  one  shall  be  deceased  or  removed,  then  any  two  of  them  that  renialne  to  "lo  the  worke  asif  all  three  were 
present,  if  two  be  absent  of  these  of  the  overseers  as  aforesaid,  then  bee  that  reniaines  to  take  or  choose 
one  or  two  more  with  him  and  with  consent  of  my  lieires  to  be  allowed  as  aforesaid.  Lastly:  My  will  is,  my 
two  servants  Japhet  ami  Boose,  mv  sou  David  shall  have  the  one.  and  my  daughter  Mary  the  other,  my  son 
David  choosing  which  of  them  lie  will  have.  VII.  Know  also,  and  this  be  understood,  that  there  is  a  bill  of 
twenty-five  pounds  left  in  mv  hands  by  my  husband,  Lion  Gardiner;  this  bill  shall  be  discharged  to  myson-in- 
law  Arthur,  or  Ids  heires.  It'  my  grande-ehilde  should  dye  before  shee  come  to  the  age  aforesaid ;  this  bill  I 
will  to  be  discharged  by  my  son  David  and  "■  Jeremiah,"'  and  they  both  to  part  the  goods  between  them,  for 
which  that  hill  was  made. 

For  confirmation  of  this  my  Will  and  Testament.  I  set  to  my  hand  and  seaie  (signed)  Mauy  Gaktjinek. 
Witnesse:  Thomas  James,  John  Mulford.  Robert  Bond;  April  lS>th,  1664.  Memorandum:  I,  Mary  Gardiner, 
upon  good  consideration  since  this  my  Will  and  Testament  was  made, do  in  all  respects  confirm  the  same, 
saving  or  excepting  the  horse  kinde  upon  the  Island,  my  last  Will  being  to  give  to  the  children  of  my  son  David, 
and  daughter  Mary,  mv  grande-ehildren,  all  the  horse  kinde  between  them  to  be  equally  divided  and  improved 
for  their  best  advantage  till  thev  come  of  age.    Witnesse  my  hand.  (Signed)  Mauy  G  audi  nek. 

Witnesse:  John  Mulford.  Robert  Bond,  Thomas  James.  The  probation  of  this  Will,  the  6th  of  June, 
[1665]  before  ye  Court  of  Sessions  held  in  Southold,  was  attested  upon  oath  by  two  of  the  witnesses,  namely : 
Thomas  James,  John  Mulford. 

NOTE. 

Lion  Gardiner  was  at  an  early  age  a  God-fearing  Puritan;  he  emigrated  in  the  interest  of  Puritanism, 
and  labored  with  and  for  the  early  fathers,  and  justly  belongs  among  the  founders  of  New  England.  After 
leaving  Saybrooke  he  was  still,  practically,  under  Xew  England  protection  both  at  his  Island  and  at  East 
Hampton.  All  ot  his  social,  religious  and  trade  relations  were  with  the  settlers  of  New  England.  His  Island 
was  an  independent  plantation  during  his  life  time,  and  East  Hampton  and  the  other  towns  at  the  east  end 
of  Long  Island  were  during  the  same  period  under  the  protection  of  Connecticut  until  1662.  At  no  time  was 
he  ever  called  upon  to  recognize  the  government  of  New  York.  His  son  David  first  acknowledged  the  suprem- 
acy of  the  government  of  Xew  York  in  1665. — C.  C.  G. 


EDITORIAL  EGFOTISM. 


12 


EDITORIAL  EGOTISM. 


rlNIS    COE03STAT    OPUS. 


Thirty  years  ago  I  began  a  search  for  my  ancestry,  a  pursuit  I 
thoroughly  enjoyed,  as  a  pastime,  because  it  brought  me  many 
entertaining  letters,  with  fresh  facts  and  interesting  reminiscences. 
Within  a  comparatively  brief  period  I  was  the  possessor  of  a  mass  of 
materials  sufficient  to  make  a  moderate  volume,  yet  I  had  no  thought 
of  preparing  the  matter  for  publication.  I  was  content  to  rest  from 
my  labors,  when  I  had  succeeded  in  establishing  a  complete  chain  of 
descent  from,  my  earliest  ancestor  in  this  country. 

Here  is  my  pedigree:  Curtiss  Crane  Gardiner,  born  in  Eaton, 
N.  Y.,  December  1,  1822;  the  son  of  Lyman  Gardiner,  born  in 
Sherburne,  N.  Y.,  July  25,  1798,  married  first  Mary  Crane,  died  at 
JVunda,  JV.  Y.,  December  7 ,  184-6 ;  the  son  of  Daniel  Denison  Gardiner, 
born  in  Groton,  Ct.,  March  28,  1778,  married  Eunice  Otis,  died  at 
Eaton,  N.  Y.,  July  17,  1817 ;  the  son  of  William  Gardiner,  born  in 
Groton,  Ct.,  September  5,  1741,  married  Esther  Denison,  died  at 
Chenango  Forks,  Jf.  I".,  March  81,  1800 ;  the  son  of  Joseph  Gardiner, 
born  on  Gardiner's  Island,  April  22,  1697,  married  Sarah  Grant, 
died  at  Groton,  Ct.,  May  15,  1752 ;  the  son  of  John  Gardiner,  born 
on  Gardiner's  Island,  April  19,  1661,  married  first  Mary  King,  died 
at  New  London,  Ct.,  June  25, 1788 ;  the  son  of  David  Gardiner,  born 
in  Saybrooke  Fort,  Ct.,  April  29,  1636,  married  Mary  Iferingman,  Herr/ncrAam. 

widow,  died  at  Hartford,  Ct.,  July  10,  1689 ;  the  son  of  Lion  Gardiner, 
the  progenitor  of  the  family  in  America. 


92  EDITORIAL   EGOTISM. 

2"  then  gathered  up  the  letters  and  papers  ivhich  had  accumulated 
in  the  course  of  my  search,  and  carefully  packed  them,  away,  and 
they  remained  packed  away  in  my  possession,  from  1855  to  1882— 
twenty-seven  years — when  I  found  it  necessary  to  consult  them  as 
aids  in  the  preparation  of  the  manuscript  for  this  volume.  Unfolding 
those  old,  familiar  letters— companions  of  other  days— I  discovered 
the  Great  Destroyer  of  all  living  had  cut  down  all  but  one  of  the 
writers.  Such  a  destruction  was  appalling  and  well  calculated  to 
aivaken  the  most  solemn  reflections.  But  such  is  life.  True,  my  old 
friends  had  passed  away,  yet  I  found  consolation  in  the  fact  that 
they  had  left  me  valuable  autograph  letters ;  and  what  is  so  like  one's 
friend  as  his  letters?  In  one  instance,  a  letter  ivhich  I  had  written 
to  one  of  those  old  correspondents,  became  the  subject  of  a  conspicuous 
newspaper  item,  in  the  following  language :    "There  is  a  letter  in  the 

post  office  at  S S ,  (N.   YJ,  addressed  to  Mr.  G 7-   V 

W k.    As  that  gentleman  has  slept  with  his  forefathers  nearly 

a  quarter  of  a  century,  we  are  not  a  little  curious  to  know  who  it  is 
that  has  for  so  many  years  survived  him,  and  not  yet  learned  that 
he  long  ago  wrapped  'the  drapery  of  his  couch  about  him  and  lies 
down  to  pleasant  dreams.' "  My  experience  reminded  me  of  Rip  Van 
Winkle,  when  he  returned  to  his  native  village,  after  twenty  years' 
sleep  in  the  Highlands.  Like  him,  I  found  my  old  friends  "gone," 
and  like  him  I  was  ready,  for  the  moment,  to  doubt  my  own  existence, 
and  to  exclaim  "I'm  not  myself— I'm  some  body  else." 

The  production  of  this  volume  should,  be  credited  to  the  publi- 
cation of  the  "Winthrop  Papers."  It  appeared  to  me,  after  reading 
that  valuable  collection,  that  if  some  one  should  make  a  compilation 
of  all  the  papers  of  Lion  Gardiner,  such  a  volume  would  be  an 
acceptable  offering  to  his  descendants.  If  I  have  succeeded  in  that, 
my  purpose  has  been  fulfilled. 

All  of  the  authorities  consulted  have  been  credited  in  the  proper 
places,  except  where  the  same  events  have  appeared  in  a  number  of 
publications  without  any  claim  to  originality.     All  histories  of  the 


EDITORIAL   EGOTISM.  93 

early  colonial  times  in  New  England,  and  of  the  Eastern  settlements 
of  Long  Island,  necessarily  mention  Lion  Gardiner.  A.  memoir  of  him, 
by  Alexander  Gardiner,  was  published  in  1849,  by  the  Massachusetts 
Historical  Society,  Vol.  X,  3d  Series,  pp.  173—185.  His  career  is 
referred  to  very  fully  in  the  "  Two-Hundredth  Anniversary "  Address, 
by  H.  P.  Hedges,  at  East  Hampton,  published  in  1850.  He  is  Ukeivise 
written  ivp  exhaustively  in  the  "Chronicles  of  East  Hampton,"  by 
David  Gardiner,  published  in  1871.  The  "History  of  the  City  of  New 
York,"  by  Mrs.  M.  J.  Lamb,  refers  to  him,  but  is  more  devoted  to  his 
descendants. 

My  acknowledgments  are  due  to  a  number  of  gentlemen,  and  to 
one  lady,  none  of  whom  I  have  the  pleasure  to  know,  and  I  do  not 
feel  authorized  to  mention  their  names.  With  grateful  remembrances 
to  all,  I  beg  to  say  that  I  have  found  them  agreeable,  painstaking  and 
obliging  correspondents,  and  I  hope  they  may  never  have  cause  to 
regret  having  contributed,  what  they  could,  to  this  work.  Only  a 
limited  edition  will  be  printed,  solely  for  private  circulation.  Dated 
this  27th  day  of  August,- 1883. 


APPENDIX. 


C]J  ^f   g      J^o^^Sl     eJlfe^    p.  ' 


O-O, 


■£ 


APPENDIX.  99 

possession,  they  gave  a  receipt — the  original  of  which  is  still  pre- 
served by  the  family,  as  follows :  (1) 

Boston,  New-England,  July,  25,  1099. 
A  true  account  of  nil  such  gold,  silver,  jewels,  and  merchandise,  late  in  the  pos- 
session of  Captain  William  Kidd,  which  have  been  seized  and  secured  by  us  under 
written  pursuant  to  an  order  from  his  Excellency  Richard  Earl  of  Bellomont,  Captain 
General  and  Governor  in  Chief  in  and  over  her  Majesty's  Province  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bay,  &c.  bearing  date  July  7,  1699. 

In  Capt.  Wm.  Kidd'sbox,  viz.  ounces 

One  bag  qt  fifty-three  silver  bars  .  .  .  .  .357 

One  bag  qt  seventy-nine  bars  and  pieces  of  silver  .  .     442% 

One  bag  <it  seventy-four  bars  of  silver  .  .  .  421 

One  enameled  silver  box  guilt  in  which  are — four  diamonds  set  in  gold  lockets, 
one  diamond  loose,  one  large  diamond  set  in  a  gold  ring. 
Found  in  the  Mr.  Duncan  Campbell's  house: 

ounces 
No.  1.  one  bag  qt  of  gold  ......  58% 

2.  one  bag  qt       .  .  .  .  .  .  .94 

3.  one  handkerchief  (it         ....  .  50 

4.  one  bag  <|t        .      -     .  .  .  .         •  .  .     103 

5.  one  bag  qt  ......  38% 

6.  one  bag  qt  .  .  .  .  .  .19% 

7.  one  bag  qt  of  silver         .....  203 

Also  twenty  dollars  one-half  and  one-quarter  pieces  of  eight,  nine  English 
Crowns,  one  small  bar  of  silver,  one  small  lump  of  silver,  a  small  chain,  a  small  bottle, 
a  coral  necklace,  one  piece  of  white  and  one  piece  of  chequered  silk. 

In  Capt.  Win.  Kidd's  chest,  viz:  two  silver  casons,  two  silver  candlesticks,  one 
silver  porringer,  and  some  small  things  of  silver  qt  82  ounces.  Rubies  small  and  great, 
sixty-seven  grecu  stones— G9  precious  stones.     One  large  load  stone. 

Landed  from  on  board  the  sloop  Antonia,  Capt.  Wm.  Kidd  late  commander,  57 
bales  of  sugar,  17  canvass  pieces,  41  bales  of  merchandise. 

Received  of  Mr.  Duncan  Campbell  three  bales  of  merchandise,  whereof  one  he 

had  opened  being  much  damnified  by  water  qt eighty-five  pieces  of  silk  Rouralls  and 

Bangalls.    Sixty  pieces  of  calico  and  muslins. 

Received  the  17th  instant  of  Mr.  John  Gardiner,  viz :  ounces. 

No.  1.  one  bag  dust  gold  (it        .....  60% 

2.  one  bag  coyned  gold  qt  .  .  .  .11 
and  in  it  silver  qt             .....  124 

3.  one  bag  dust  gold  qt  .....        24% 

4.  one  bag  qt  three  silver  rings  and  sundry  precious  stones  4% 
one  bag  unpolished  stones  qt  .  .  .  .  12J2 
one  pure  crystal  and  brazer  stones  two  Cornelian  rings,  two 

small  agates,  two  amethysts,  all  in  the  same  hag. 

5.  one  bag  silver  buttons  and  a  lamp  .  .  .29 

6.  one  hag  broken  silver  qt  173% 

7.  one  bag  gold  bars         .  ....       353% 

8.  one  bag  gold  bars  ....  238)1 

9.  one  bag  dust  gold  .  ....         59% 

10.  one  bag  silver  bars  ....  212 

11.  one  bag  silver  bars        .  .  .  •  .       309 

The  whole  of  the  gold  above  mentioned  is  eleven  hundred  and  eleven  ounces  Troy 
Wt.    The  silver  is  two  thousand  three  hundred  and  fifty-three  ounces. 

The  jewels  or  precious  stones  weighed — are  seventeen  ounces  thro-eighths  of  an 
ounce  and  sixty-nine  stones  by  scale. 

The  sugar  is  contained  in  57  bags.  The  merchandise  contained  in  41  bales.  The 
canvass  in  seventeen  pieces.  ' 

(1)  I  made  this  copy  from  the  original  document  at  the  island.  August  9th  and  loth.  1855.— C.  C.  G. 


100  APPENDIX. 

A  true  account  of  the  first  sheet  of  the  aocompt  of  the  treasure  goods  and  mer- 
chandise imported  by  Captain  William  Kidd  and  company  and  accomplices  Anno  1699. 
Seized  by  order  of  the  Earl  of  Bellomont  which  accompt  was  presented  in  thirteen 
sheets  under  the  hands  of  Samuel  Sewall,  Nathaniel  Byfield,  Jeremiah  Dumer,  and 
Andrew  Belcher,  Esq.,  Commissioners  appointed  to  receive  and  secure  and  upon  their 
oaths. — And  is  lodged  in  the  Secretary's  office  at  Boston. 

(1)  Ex'm'd  pr  F.  Addington  Sec"y. 

Other  pirates  came  to  the  island  at  a  later  period  for  plunder — 
assaulting  and  wounding  the  proprietor.  During  the  Revolutionary 
War  there  were  frequent  raids  by. the  British  for  stock  and  other 
products.  At  the  same  time  British  seamen,  from  the  men-of-war 
anchored  in  the  hay,  made  it  their  sporting  ground. 

John  Lyon  Gardiner,  seventh  proprietor,  was  highly  intelligent, 
and  especially  fond  of  antiquarian  research.  His  manuscripts  relat- 
ing to  the  family  and  to  the  island  and  adjacent  places,  are  invaluable 
to  the  historian.  He  secured  the  Genevan  Bible — printed  at  London 
1599.  (2)  Also  an  Indian  Bible — printed  at  Cambridge,  Mass.,  1663 — 
the  first  printing  office  established  in  America.  (3) 

The  title-page  of  the  Indian  Bible  is  printed  in  English  as  fol- 
lows: 

"  The  Holy  Bible  containing  the  old  testament  and  the  new.  Translated  into  the 
Indian  language  and  ordered  to  be  printed  by  the  Commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies 
of  New  England.  At  the  charge  and  with  the  consent  of  the  corporation  in  England 
for  the  propogation  of  the  gospel  amongst  the  Indians  of  New  England — Cambridge, 
printed  by  Samuel  Green  and  Marmaduke  Johnson  mdclxiii." 

The  following  is  the  heading  over  the  first  chapter  of  the  Old 

Testament,  together  with  the  first  verse  in  Genesis : 

Negonne  oosukkuhichouk  Moses.    Ne  usweetamuk. 

GENESIS. 

1 .   Weike  kutchitsik  a  aytum  god  kefuk  kah  olike. 

The  following  is  the  commencement  of  the  New  Testament,  with 
the  first  verse  in  Matthew : 

(1)  It  is  said  one  diamond  was  carelessly  dropped  by  the  officials  at  Gardluer's  Island,  which  was  found 
al'ter  their  departure,  and  is  now  in  the  possession  of  the  family  of  Gardiner  Green,  of  Boston,  a  descendant  of 
a  daughter  of  John  Gardiner,  third  proprietor.  Parties  frequently  ask  permission  to  dig  for  Kidd 's  treasure  at 
the  island.— C.  0.  G.  "  My  father  when  a  young  man  was  sent  by  his  lather,  and  a  chart  given  him  to  dig  up 
some  of  Kidd's  buried  treasures  near  Montauk  Point.  They  were  scared  away  by  theMoutauk  Indians,  and 
never  returned.  I  copied  the  chart  when  a  boy,  and  may  Have  it  still.11 — Letter  from  Dr.  T.  W.  (Joit,  Mid- 
dletown,  Ct.,  Aug. 7,1883. 

(2)  Vide  Supra,  p.  11. 

(3)  kt  I  received  this  Indian  Bible  from  Joshua  Nonesuch  of  the  Nlhonlic  tribe  in  Lyme— by  means  of 
Daniel  Wankeat,  this  17th  day  of  May,  1813.  It  is  said  to  have  been  presented  to  the  tribe  by  a  Sachem  of  the 
Moheags  iu  Norwich,  Ct.11— Mem.  by  John  Lyon  Gardiner,  seventh  proprietor. 


*..  ■* 


APPENDIX. 


GARDINER'S  ISLAND. 

MRS.  M.  L.  GAltHINKJ:. 

11  Where  now,  it  may  be  ask'<i,  are  all 
Those  tawny  tribes?    From  off  this  beauteous  Isle, 
By  time's  rude  hand,  swept  like  the  sands  which 
Rolling  waves  have  hurled  into  the  deep.    Where 
The  tali  chiefs,  who  strode  like  spirits  o'er  this 
Sunny  Isle,  threading  the  forest  by  their  magic 
Trail,  marshalling  their  hosts,  sole  monarchs  of  the 
Soil?  ...... 

All,  all  are  gone!    Oblivion's 
Wave,  with  waters  dark  and  deep,  roll  o'er  their 
Dust,  their  memories  and  their  names." 

This  island  originally  belonged  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Mon- 
tauk  Indians,  and  was  purchased  from  the  aboriginal  owners  by 
Lion  Gardiner,  by  deed  bearing  date  May  3,  1639,(1)  called  by  them 
Manchonack ;  and  from  the  grantee  of  the  King  of  England  by  a 
grant  bearing  date  March  10,  1640,(2)  called  by  the  English  Isle  of 
Wight.  It  was  created  a  Manor.  On  the  death  of  Lion  Gardiner  he 
bequeathed  (3) his  whole  estate  to  his  wife,  who,  at  her  death,  be- 
queathed (4)  the  island  to  her  son  David — "  during  his  life,  and  after 
his  decease  to  his  next  heire  maile  begotten  by  him "  and  "  to  be 
entayled  to  the  first  heires  maile  proceeding  from  the  body,"  of  her 
late  husband  and  herself,  "from  time  to  time  forever."  October  5, 
1665,  David  Gardiner  procured  a  grant  from  Governor  Nicoll  for  a 
quit-rent  of  £5  a  year.  September  23,  1670,  he  procured  a  release 
from  Governor  Lovelace  for  one  lamb  yearly,  if  it  should  be  de- 
manded. November  1,  1683,  the  General  Assembly  of  New  York 
divided  the  province  into  counties  and  towns,  and  included  the  Isle 
of  Wight  within  the  county  of  Suffolk — the  island  still  retaining  its 

(1)  Vide  Supra,-p.  75,  note  («).    Also  Vide  Supra,  p.  81,  note  (2).         (2)  Vide  Supra,  p.  82,  note  (I). 
(3)  Vide  Supra,  p.  86.  (<)  Vide  Supra,  p.  86. 

13 


98  APPENDIX. 

manorial  rights  and  privileges.  September  11,  1686,  David  Gardiner 
procured  a  grant  from  Governor  Dongan  by  which  the  island  was 
erected  into  the  "Lordship  and  Manor  of  Gardiner's  Island,"  for  one 
lamb  yearly  in  lieu  of  all  services  whatsoever.  (1)  March  7,  1788, 
the  State  Legislature  passed  an  act  attaching  the  island  to  the  town 
of  East  Hampton  in  the  county  of  Suffolk,  which  is  its  present  polit- 
ical status. 

The  locality  of  the  island  is  north-east  of  the  bay  of  the  same 
name,  about  three  miles  east  of  Long  Island.  Its  greatest  length, 
including  the  sand  bars  at  the  two  extremities,  is  nearly  seven  and 
a  half  miles.  Its  greatest  width  slightly  exceeds  one  mile.  The 
general  outline  of  the  shore  is  irregular,  and  portions  of  the  surface 
are  uneven,  with  here  and  there  fresh  water  ponds  and  patches  of 
deep  forest.  The  whole  island  contains  upwards  of  three  thousand 
acres  of  good  land. 

The  first,  third  and  seventh  proprietors  are  the  most  conspicu- 
ously mentioned  in  history.  A  sketch  of  Lion  Gardiner,  iirst 
proprietor,  occupies  this  volume.  While  John  Gardiner,  third  pro- 
prietor, was  in  possession,  Kidd,  the  notorious  pirate,  visited  the 
island  at  least  twice.  At  one  time  he  came  in  the  absence  of  the 
proprietor,  and  requested  the  proprietor's  wife  to  roast  him  a  pig. 
She  being  afraid  to  refuse  him,  cooked  it  well,  which  pleased  him, 
and  on  his  departure  he  presented  her  with  two  small  blankets  of 
gold  cloth — a  small  remnant  of'  one  of  them  still  remains  with  the 
relics  of  the  family.  (2)  At  another  time  Kidd  came,  and,  in  the  pres- 
ence of  the  proprietor,  buried  a  quantity  of  gold,  silver  and  precious 
stones,  enjoining  upon  him  the  most  solemn  pledges  of  secrecy. 
After  the  arrest  of  Kidd,  the  burial  of  the  treasure  was  made  known, 
and  government  officials  were  dispatched  to  secure  it.     Having  taken 

(1)  The  fees  for  these  executive  grants,  under  1  he  seal  of  the  province,  was  a  perquisite  of  the  Governors— 
to  nil  their  pockets  at  the  expense  of  the  people.— Thompson's  His.  L.  I.,  f,  pp.  139-147.  Gov.  Nieoll 
gathered  a  harvest  of  fees  from  exacting  new  title  deeds.  Under  Gov.  Lovelace,  his  successor,  the  same 
system  was  more  fully  developed.— Bancroft's  His.  of  the  U.  S.,  II,  pp.  320,321. 

(2)  I  have  a  small  partlcleof  the  gold  cloth  which  was  clipped  off  from  tile  remnant  and  presented  to  me 
by  Mrs.  Gardiner,  widow  of  the  seventh  proprietor,  at  the  island,  August  9th  and  10th,  1855.— C.  C.  G. 


INDEX. 


THIS    INDEX    DOES   NOT   REFER   TO    LION   GARDINER,   NOR  TO    INDIANS,    NOR 
TO  AUTHORS  QUOTED. 


Allyn  (Allen),  45. 
Arthur,  W.,  51. 
Arthur,  C.  A.,  51. 

Baglcy,  33. 

Beecher,  Rev.  L.,  11. 

BeHingham  (Belingam),  16,  71. 

Boynton  (Bonnington),  Sir  Matt.,  15,  72,  73. 

Bond,  86,  87. 

Brooke  (Brooks),  Lord,  15,  72,  73,  74 

Branch,  20. 

Chapman,  14,  20,  33. 

Charles  (Charls),  37. 

Chatfleld,  85. 

Conkling,  11,13,80,87. 

Coddington,  16,  71. 

Coit,  Robert,  58,  62. 

Coit,  Mrs.  Rob't  (Brainard) ,  58,  62. 

Coit,  Thomas,  58,  61. 

Coit,  Thos.  W.,  60,61,  62, 100. 

Coit  (Sarah  Gardiner) ,  58. 

Coit,  Jonathan,  61. 

Coit,  Mary  G.,  61. 

Colet,  70. 

Cruyer  (Cryar),  42,  43,  44. 

Cromwell,  73. 

Davenport,  15,67,  69. 

Darley,  72. 

Daily,  85. 

Davis,  82. 

Dike,  21. 

Dudley,  16. 

Eaton,  30,  83. 
Endicott,  18, 67,  77. 


Farrett,  82. 
Farrington,  32,  83. 
Fairfax,  60. 

Fenwick,  15,  16,  17,  72,  74,  75, 
(Phen\vicke),36. 


76;  (Phenix),35; 


Gardiner,  John  Lyon,  11,  12,  59,  60,  62,  68,  100. 
Gardiner,  David,  12,57,  58,  60,  61,68,  80,85,  8 

87, 100. 
<  iardiner,  Mary,  12,  58,  59,  69,  70,  80,  86,  87. 
Gardiner,  Elizabeth,  12,  86,87. 
Gardiner,  John,  12,  57,  58,  60,  61,  62,  98,  99,  100. 
Gardiner,  Jonathan,  12,  58. 
Gardiner,  Lucretia,  12. 
Gardiner,  Henry  D.,51. 
Gardiner,  J.  Lyon,  59,  62. 
Gardiner,  (Sarah  Griswold),  11,  59. 
Gardiner,  David  J.,  59. 
Gardiner,  Samuel  B.,59,  62. 
Gardiner,  Richard,  60. 
Gardiner,  the  name  of,  51,  52. 
Gardiner,  signature  and  a  seal,  53. 
Gardiner,  arms  of,  55-64. 
Gardiner's  Island,  97. 
Gardiner's  Island,  Proprietors,  102. 
Gardiner,  Pedigree,  91. 
Garlicke,  48, 84,  85. 
Gibbons,  15,  26,67,  73. 
Gosmore,  31. 
Green.  24, 100. 
Graves,  37. 

Haines,  16,  29,30,  82. 
Hammond  (Hamman),  32,  83. 
Hampden,  73. 

Heslerigge,  Sir  Arthur,  15,  72,  73. 
Hedges,  57,  85. 


104 


INDEX. 


Higginson  (Higgisson),  21,  24,  25. 

Howell  31;  (Gardiner),  86,  87. 

Hopkins,  70. 

Hurlburt  (Hurlbut),  14, 17,  20,  21,  24,  34. 

Humphrey  (Hutnfry),  16. 

Huntting,  57,  59. 

Hunter,  70. 

James,  84,  86,  87. 
Jope  (Job) ,  70. 

Kidd,  98,  99. 

Lake,  44. 

Lawrence,  72,  73. 
Lee,  46,  47. 
Leicester,  Earl  of,  69. 
Lecbford,  75,81. 
Ludlow,  16,  25. 

Mason,  14, 15,  23, 25,  32,  67,  79,  80. 
Mitchell  (Michell),  20,  21,  23. 
Miller,  84. 
Mulford,  86,  87. 

Nowell,  16. 
Nott,  37. 
Nye,  72. 

Oldham,  16,  27,  76. 

Peters,  15, 16, 17,  36,37,  39,  67,  69,  72,  75,  76. 

Pell,  21,  24,  25. 

Pennys,  46. 

Plum, 24. 

Provost,  29. 

Price,  82,  84. 

Pynchon  (Pincheon),  17,  23;  (Pinchin),  36,  75. 

Quick,  37. 


Robinson  (Robbingson),  37. 
Rumble,  20. 

Saltonstall  (Saltingstone),  15,  72,  75. 

Say  and  Seal,  Lord,  70,  72,  73,  74. 

Scott,  46. 

Seeley,  23,  25,  32,  67. 

Searle,  45. 

Sibada,44. 

Smith,  85,  86. 

Spencer,  21. 

Standish,  67. 

Stanton,  16,  21,  22,  42,  43,  44. 

Stone,  25,  45,76. 

Steel,  25. 

Stoughton  (Stoten),  26,  67. 

Talmage,85.. 

Tilly  (Tille),17,23,  24,  77. 

Trumbull,  14. 

Trumbull,  J.  Hammond,  75,  81. 

Turner,  18. 

Underbill  (Undrill),  18,  24,  25,  32,  67,  78,  79. 

Vane,  21,  24,67,  71,  72,78. 
Vere,  Lord,  69. 

Webb,  70. 

Wilemson,  69. 

Williams,  W.  T.,  14. 

Winthrop,  15, 16,  17,  35,  38,  39,  40,  41,  42,  43,  44,  45, 

63,  67,  69,  70,  71, 72,  73,  74,  75,  76,  78,  81,  84. 
Willard,  15,57,73. 
Williams,  Roger,  29,  67,  79. 
Winslow,  78. 
Wyllys  (Willis),  45. 


APPENDIX.  101 

Wmiaunchemookaonk  Nashpe. 

MATTHEW. 

1.  Uppometuongane  a  book  Jesus  Christ  wunnuaumonuh  David  wunnuaumonuh 
Abraham. 

The  island  has  been  a  plantation  by  itself  from  its  earliest 
occupancy — continuing,  without  interruption,  in  the  possession  of  the 
descendants  of  the  first  purchaser.  Prior  to  the  Revolutionary  War 
the  proprietors  were  called,  after  the  custom  in  England,  Lords  of 
the  Manor,  and,  for  some  time  later,  the  soubriquet  was  extended  to 
them  by  the  courtesy  of  their  neighbors. 

The  usual  approach  to  the  island  is  from  the  shore  of  Long 
Island,  at  a  post-village  called  "  the  Springs."  There  is  no  harbor 
on  the  island — only  a  boat-house.  The  mansion  fronts  to  the  west, 
near  the  shore.  The  present  structure  was  erected  by  the  sixth  pro- 
prietor and  is  upwards  of  a  century  old — large,  two-story,  with  wide 
gables  and  dormer  windows,  a  deep  porch  in  front,  and  is  shaded  by 
forest  trees  of  venerable  and  stately  appearance.  Within  this  large 
and  hospitable  abode  there  are  many  relics  and  priceless  heir- 
looms— fire  arms,  hunting  trophies,  paintings,  books,  documents, 
plate,  and  the  family  coat  of  arms.  The  cemetery  is  located  about 
a  half  a  mile  east  of  the  mansion,  in  which  there  are  not  to  exceed  a 
score  of  graves  including  the  several  proprietors,  from  the  fourth  to 
the  tenth  inclusive.  The  first  proprietor  was  buried  at  East  Hamp- 
ton, (1)  the  second  at  Hartford,  (2)  the  third  at  New  London.  (3) 

The  island  is  a  charming  spot.  As  a  plantation  it  is  devoted 
chiefly  to  grazing  and  stock  raising.  Further  than  this  our  subject 
does  not  require  any  particulars. 

(1)  Vide  Supra,  p.  88. 

(2)  The  tombstone  of  David  Gardiner,  second  proprietor,  was  lost  to  liis  descendants  for  a  great  many 
years.  He  was  buried  in  the  rear  of  the  Centre  Church,  Hartford,  Ct.,  and  over  his  grave  was  placedahorl- 
zontal  slab  of  red  sand  Blone,  with  an  inscription,  which  in  the  course  of  time  became  partly  imbedded  in 
tile  earth  and  its  whereabouts  was  not  known  for  at  least  a  century.  Jn  1835  Mr.  J.  W.  Jlarber  of  New  Haven, 
discovered  the  stone  and  with  considerable  difficulty,  deciphered  the  inscription,  as  follows: 

"  Here  lyeth  the  body  of  Mr.  David  Gardiner  of  Gardiner's  Island.    Deceased  Jvly  10, 
1689,  inthef1fty-fovrth  year  of  his  age     well,  sick,  dead,  in  one  hovrs  space. 
il  Engrave  the  rememukance  of  deathon  thine  heart 
When  as  thov  dost  see  how  swiftly  hovks  depart." 

(3)  Vide  Supra,  p.  57. 


102  APPENDIX. 


PROPRIETORS  OF  GARDINER'S  ISLAND. 

First:  Lion  Gardiner  died  in  1063,  and  left  male  issue,  aged  64. 

Second  :  David  Gardiner,  only  son  of  Lion.  Bequeathed  to  him  as  a  life  estate,  by 
the  will  of  his  mother,  to  be  entailed  to  the  first  heirs  male,  from  time  to  time  for- 
ever.   Died  in  1G89,  and  left  male  issue,  aged  53. 

Third:  John  Gardiner,  eldest  son  of  the  preceding  David.  Died  in  1738,  and  left  male 
issue,  aged  77. 

Fourth:  David  Gardiner,  eldest  son  of  the  preceding  John.  Died  in  1751,  and  left 
male  issue,  aged  00. 

Fifth  :  John  Gardiner,  eldest  son  of  the  preceding  David.  Died  in  1764.  and  left  male 
issue,  aged  36. 

Sixth  :  David  Gardiner,  eldest  son  of  the  preceding  John.  Died  in  1774,  and  left  male 
issue,  aged  30. 

Seventh:  John  Lyon  Gardiner,  eldest  son  of  the  preceding  David.  Died  in  1816,  and 
left  male  issue,  aged  46. 

Eighth  :  David  Johnson  Gardiner,  eldest  son  of  the  preceding  John  Lyon.    Died  in 
1829,  unmarried  and  intestate,  aged  25.    There  being  no  heir  male  the  island 
became  an  inheritance  to  the  next  of  kin.     In  common  parlance,  the  entail  was 
.   broken. 

Ninth  :  John  Griswold  Gardiner,  brother  of  the  preceding  David  Johnson.  Purchased 
the  interests  of  other  heirs  and  became  the  owner  in  fee  simple.  Died  unmarried 
and  intestate  in  1861,  aged  49. 

Tenth  :  Samuel  Buell  Gardiner,  brother  of  the  preceding  David  J.  and  John  G.  Pur- 
chased the  interests  of  other  heirs.    Died  in  1882.  aged  67. 

Eleventh  :  David  J.  Gardiner,  eldest  son  of  the  preceding  Samuel  Buell.  Bequeathed 
to  him  by  his  father,  and  lie  sold  to  his  brother  J.  Lyon  Gardiner. 

Twelfth  :  J.  Lyon  Gardiner,  brother  of  the  preceding  David  J.    Owned  by  purchase. 


p.  lO3-/0f      -\yU^$^    o^Ll&S^ 


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